Optimización del Astillero
2.7 Técnicas LEAN
2.7.9 Heijunka
2.7.9.3 Producir respecto al Takt time (tiempo de ritmo)
After a peak period of interest in the 1970s and 1980s, urban anthropology has resurfaced in the twenty-first century as an important part of the discipline and as an original voice in the broader interdisciplinary field of urban studies. Urban anthropology has developed as a subfield that takes the spatiality of urban life seriously, that asks how specific characteristics of cities (including their density, heterogeneity and their political and economic significance) shape everyday social life in different cultural contexts, and that explores how these different dimensions of urban life are imagined and represented.
In this book, we have sought to present an overview of current themes in urban anthropology, relying primarily on this renewed urban anthropology that has developed into the twenty-first century. While themes such as place-making and urban inequality have remained central to urban anthropology, recent years have also seen a number of new concerns emerge. Current urban anthropology analyzes urban life in relation to processes of globalization, researching how migration, transnationalism and new communication technologies impact the city and its residents. More broadly, urban anthropologists have begun to focus more closely on how different technologies shape urban life, whether in the form of infrastructure, mobilities or the intersection of offline and online worlds.
Recent studies have also focused on neoliberalization, as a political economic program transforming urban spaces, as a model of city governance or as a force shaping urban subjectivities. Urban anthropology has also paid increased attention to consumption, often in connection to a new interest in the middle class as a research focus. In addition, anthropological research on social movements has become increasingly attentive to the urban nature of many recent uprisings and protests, as these sprung up from Tunis and Cairo to Madrid and New York City.
Writing in the mid-2010s, we can identify a number of additional, emergent trends and developments within urban anthropology, which we sketch in the concluding pages to this book.
Post-neoliberal solidarities
One emerging interest within the subfield is post-neoliberalism. Urban residents, social movements and governments are increasingly active in signaling the shortcomings or failure of neoliberalism (see, e.g., Barber et al. 2012). In cities across the world, we see attempts to go beyond neoliberal visions and programs in imagining how to organize social, political and economic life. In line with prefigurative practices such as those used by the Occupy
movement, discussed in Chapter 9, groups of urban residents are trying to create a new world by consciously reconfiguring everyday routines and choices. This involves trying to develop alternative modes of cooperation and exchange that diverge from those offered by neoliberal capitalism, for instance by experimenting with a wide variety of sharing economies or forms of communal farming (see e.g., Gibson-Graham 2014; Parker et al. 2014). As anthropologists turn to study such movements and their attempts to carve out spaces for alternative economic practices, we expect them to focus on the clash between idealistic intents, organizational obstacles and limits to mobilization potential. The danger of co-optation is also present, as new forms of participatory governance also claim the domain of community and try to reinvent mutual solidarity as a way to fill the gaps left by state retrenchment.
An issue closely related to such attempts to move beyond neoliberalism is solidarity.
How are feelings and practices of solidarity created in today’s mobile, neoliberal and media-saturated world? Earlier forms of solidarity often rested in imaginaries of the nation-state, or of a stable working class. Today, nation-state imaginaries often clash with the multicultural realities of transnationally connected cities and their mobile inhabitants. In many places this has led to exclusionary forms of nationalism that invoke urban dystopias peopled by migrant or minority ‘others’ (Modest and de Koning forthcoming).
Meanwhile, the urban working class has become increasingly fragmented and informalized, and the labor movement’s historical appeal to class solidarity appears to have limited purchase in many twenty-first-century cities. Recent work on the urban precariat – a new group of workers in flexible, precarious conditions that has replaced the industrial proletariat – attempts to theorize this new form of exploited urban labor and its political potential, for instance in post-disaster Japan (Kindstrand 2011). In the US context, studies have also focused on the role of the penal state in disciplining and warehousing this urban precariat (Cunha 2014). Yet, the attempts to move beyond neoliberalism that we discussed above also entail efforts to define solidarity anew in a more inclusive manner.
The same holds true for the recent urban uprisings, which have also led to transnational, intersectional alliances between different progressive movements.
affect and temporality
Affect is another theme that is increasingly popular in urban anthropology, reflecting a broader affective turn in anthropology. Anthropologists have increasingly grown interested in exploring affect: embodied emotions and passions that are collective or intersubjective, rather than individual. Various urban anthropologists have started to examine affective registers of city landscapes and the urban aesthetic forms associated with them (Navaro-Yashin 2012; Schwenkel 2013). Such affective registers may primarily promote a modernist optimism, evoked, for instance, through an architecture of shiny malls and sleek high-rises that are part of the neoliberal spectacle discussed in Chapter 7. Urban landscapes may, in contrast, also invoke nostalgia for better days when people could plan for the future, as in the case of the Copperbelt town of Luanshya discussed in Chapter 5, where empty buildings and overgrown tennis courts reminded the residents of the perks of Fordist modes of production. Other recent studies have begun to focus on the role of emotion and affect in governance, where particular programs suggest the right emotional disposition for worthy neoliberal subjects (Muehlebach 2012; Ramos-Zayas 2012).
Such studies of affect often also touch upon another emergent theme, that of temporality.
Modernist affective registers are oriented towards the future (de Boeck 2011), whereas
Conclusion 167 nostalgic affective registers often concentrate on the ruins and remnants of bygone glory days. In addition to urban anthropology’s more long-standing interest in spatiality, recent work in the subfield has demonstrated the potential of focusing on different forms of temporality. Sometimes this is related to popular understandings and uses of urban history, and widespread processes of heritagization of the urban landscape. In other cases, this interest in temporality concentrates on urban futures (Cunningham and Scharper 2014), studying how these are imagined and materialized, for instance in forms of ‘anticipatory urbanism’ that draw on urban risk as a governmental tool (Zeiderman forthcoming).
Ecology, sustainability and technology
The increased research interest in urban futures also connects to concerns over the environmental future of cities. As environmental problems at both the urban and the global scale – from solid waste and air pollution to climate change – become ever more pressing, urban anthropologists are also increasingly involved in studying urban ecology and sustainability in different cultural contexts, often with a strong focus on environmental justice.
This recent work is seeking to understand how sustainability is imagined, implemented and contested in urban policies, programs and various forms of collective action (Isenhour et al. 2014). Such anthropological approaches to the urban environment have also involved new perspectives on urban nature, which interrogate long-standing culture–nature divides (Rotenburg 2014; Rademacher forthcoming). This type of research has included a consideration of the role of non-human species in shaping urban life, for instance in recent work on mosquito and urban health (Kelly and Lezaun 2014).
Studying urban ecology and sustainability often includes a consideration of the potential and problems associated with the rapid development of new technologies. Urban anthropologists are likely to be increasingly involved in studying the impact of ongoing technological innovations on urban encounters and politics. They study, for instance, how ‘smart city’ policy models are imagined as heralding cleaner, greener and safer cities. Careful scrutiny of recent smart city developments suggests that the rolling out of these models in a range of urban contexts reflects the influence of corporate actors on city governance, and is associated with increased surveillance (Zandbergen 2015). At the same time, other scholars are closely tracking the democratic potential of new digital technologies in facilitating urban mobilizations and enabling different forms of urban networking and solidarity (D’Andrea 2014).
Cities are socially and culturally dynamic spaces that produce, facilitate and respond to changes in ecology, technology, economy and politics. Urban socialities and cultures are always in flux, a fluidity that often translates more gradually in the built environment of cities. While urban anthropologists are also attentive to historically enduring urban (infra) structures, this fluid, changing character of urban social life will continue to be both a challenge and an inspiration to urban anthropologists into the twenty-first century. In addition to influences from broader anthropology and other disciplinary approaches to urban studies, city life itself will continue to prompt new conceptual developments and empirical queries in urban anthropology.
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