Central to Makasae society, belief systems and cultural practice is the concept of falu (n.) and
falunu (adj.), M (lulik, T; luli, N), which translates as ‘heated, holy or sacred’. The term falu
112 Forman, “Descent, Alliance, and Exchange Ideology among the Makassae of East Timor,” 153, 158–159. 113 The literal translation of ‘mana toe’ is ‘to dig the hole’ and ‘mana guaru’ is ‘to scratch the earth’. One
informant referred to mana toe, mana guara as ‘sacred money’, osan lulik, T.
114 Bernardo Mango Ximenes, interview with author, Osso Huna, Baguia Sub-district, 9 October 2014. 115 Julião de Olivera, interview with author, Uasufa, Alawa Craik, Baguia Sub-district, 12 December 2014. 116 Kore metan refers to the donning of black attire, armbands or headscarves and is widespread.
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refers to that which is restricted or forbidden. The counter-balance to this sacred concept is the mundane world of everyday existence. Falu dictates core moral values for Makasae people in the way that lulik does in wider Timorese society, as ‘[a]pplications of lulik are expressed in multiple qualities and forms … [and] refer to a whole range of objects, places, topographic features, categories of food, types of people, forms of knowledge, behavioural practices, architectural structures and periods of time’.117 The concept of lulik or falu remains as relevant
in the twenty-first century as in 1935 to Makasae culture.118
Lulik refers to the spiritual cosmos that contains the divine creator, the spirits
of ancestors, and the spiritual root of life including sacred rules and regulations that dictate relationships between people and people and nature … Lulik as a philosophy is to ensure peace and tranquility for society as a whole, in which it can be achieved through the proper balance between differing and opposing elements.119
Although dual categories of wife-taker and wife-giver or notions of land owner, insider (rai
nain, T) and foreigner, outsider (malae, T) may be fluid, the core falu/lulik values remain
immobile.
The animist attributes of falu (n.), and their interaction with the world of the ancestors and its power over the mundane world is a major element in Makasae society. As another expression of the dualistic nature of Makasae society, the maintenance of order and balance between the invisible, ancestral, sacred, spirit world and the visible, living, mundane, human world is negotiated through sacred falu ritual activity and objects, as well as natural features such as trees, large boulders and water sources.
117 Andrew McWilliam, Lisa Palmer and Christopher Shepherd, “Lulik Encounters and Cultural Frictions in
East Timor: Past and Present,” The Australian Journal of Anthropology, vol. 25 (2014): 304.
118 McWilliam, et al., “Lulik Encounters,” 306 references contemporary disputes relating to the Catholic
Church and local ritual custodians of lulik water sources in Baucau in 2010 illustrating the continued significance of lulik in the modern era.
119 Jose ‘Josh’ Trindade, “Lulik: The Core Timorese Values,” Wikicommons, 2011, last modified 17 January
2014, 1. <https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:Chp_58_Trindade_Lulik_The_Core_of_ Timorese_Values.pdf.>. Accessed 23 November 2014.
75 The centrality of the concept of falu in Makasae society is indicated through the importance of the oma falu.120 The oma falu is where the clan gathers to perform ritual sacrifices in honour
of their ancestors and to receive members, together with those families with whom they share alliance. As an origin house the oma falu combines the ancestors and the living within a specific location, providing a collective identity.121 The descent group from the clan, sala fu,
includes a core group of men whose origins can be traced back through several generations of ancestors who ‘planted’ the house, together with their wives and children. Each oma falu has a lineage leader (nanai’e, laida'a sobu-lolo'o, M; lian nain, T), who officiates at all sala fu rituals and leads discussions and decision-making amongst senior clan members regarding the scheduling and nature of rituals. The fields and gardens, which are inherited patrilineally, are individually held together with houses and dwellings, which may include ancestral clan hearths (ata nei uai, M) where sacred food is prepared.122
Since independence, the reconstruction of ceremonial houses in Baguia, and more widely across Timor-Leste, has been a priority task.123 This was evident during the 2014 dry season
when several oma falu were under construction. At the beginning of this century many oma
falu were derelict due to either natural disaster or lack of maintenance, or as a result of direct
attack by Indonesian militias. Those clans that were physically relocated during the Indonesian occupation, away from ancestral land and into townships or nearer to roads where they were under closer surveillance, had no means by which to return to their oma falu, let alone perform the rituals to enable them to build a replacement oma falu in their new locations. Since 2000 many inhabitants have rationalised the earlier period of sustained war and crisis in Timor-Leste as a curse from their ancestors.124
The re-establishment of ceremonial houses and the re-implementation of ceremonial practices to feed the ancestors has arguably been motivated by a desire to rebalance their
120 In Tetun language other terms used to describe the ceremonial house include uma lisan and uma adat, the
latter being a derivative of Indonesian language. The Makasae term oma bese is also occasionally used, which when literally translated means ‘a large house’.
121 Bovensiepen, “Installing the Insider ‘Outside’,” 290.
122 Alexander Loch cited in Forman, “Descent, Alliance, and Exchange Ideology among the Makassae of East
Timor,” 154. Loch documented the construction of three oma falu in Baucau District between 1999 and 2004 in Haus, Handy & Halleluia: Psychosoziale Rekonstruktion in Osttimor, IKO-Verlag für Interkulturelle
Kommunikation (Frankfurt am Main), 2007.
123 Fox, “The Articulation of Tradition”, 252–254; Bovensiepen, “Installing the Insider ‘Outside’,” 290. 124 Jose Fernandes, interview with author, Larisula, Baguia Sub-district, 16 August 2014.
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world order and to prevent further upheaval and sanctions caused by the ancestors. Oma falu are built and rebuilt on the ‘original’ site of the houses’ establishment; an important aspect of the authenticity of these houses as the physical and metaphorical centre of the clan. Often a compound of two houses exists; one is the older house (kaka, M; maun, T) and the other the younger house (noko, M; alin, T). The construction of the oma falu is a communal activity with men and women participating in clearly defined activities. The men construct the house, including the cutting and preparation of beams, carving of the house stumps (sa’a, M) and collecting of the local fibre of the black sugar palm (Arenga pinnata, L; teru meta, M; tali metan, T) used for the roof covering and rope. The women also collect teru meta, prepare food on fires, tend the children and serve betelnut, coffee, snacks and cigarettes for the men and guests.
The construction of an oma falu, as documented by Bühler in 1935, features four phases.125
Each phase is marked by sacrifices of livestock intended to ‘feed’ the ancestors and for communal sala fu feasting.126 These activities require significant outlays of time, energy,
livestock and funds for all families linked to the wa. The men predominantly work on the construction, whilst the women tend to food preparation and the children. The act of coming together and negotiating the construction of the oma falu, and negotiating and partaking in the attendant rituals, is arguably more important as acts of renewal and replenishment than as the physical construction of the house. Various stages of the building process for each ceremonial house are customarily accompanied by chants and recitations of genealogies, orchestrated by the ‘guardian of the myths’ (data gi guaaha, M), although such roles are rarely upheld these days. Nonetheless, versions of chants are still performed by the clan’s ritual
125 The four construction phases of an oma falu include:
1. Dada sa’a – carrying the four sa’a to the oma falu site
2. Sa’a falu – the insertion of the four sa’a into the ground and the subsequent construction of the frame and walls
3. Oma tara, M, taka uma, T – the construction and ‘closing’ of the roof
4. Boe tuka, M – the placement of two finials (lakasoru, M), on the top of the ceremonial house roof according to the clan’s tradition.
126 Buffalo are slaughtered with a lance (oro, M; dimon, T). Once slaughtered, the men butcher the buffalo
before further skinning and cutting the meat on a raised bamboo platform. In some clans, the men are required to also cook the ‘sacred’ meat due to its ‘heated’ powerful qualities, whereas, in other clans, the women are tasked with cooking the meat. The sacred meat was prepared and served by men in handwoven fibre dishes. The act of eating the meat together is believed to unify and strengthen the sala fu. Livestock sacrifices can also include buffalo, pigs, chickens and dogs.
77 leader (nainie, laida'a sobu-lolo'o, M; lian nain, T) and the men of the sala fu.127 Performance of
the circular, rhythmic dance (tuka, M; tebe dai, T) with call-and-response chanting accompanied the ceremony and continued throughout the night.128
Figure 1.13a–c: Men install the first pillar, (sa’a, M) of the oma falu at Bubuha, Larisula, Baguia Sub-district, 16 August 2014. The installation of this pillar is part of the dada sa’a and sa’a falu phases of building an oma falu.
127 Two phases of construction that I observed in Baguia in 2014 included the ‘closing the roof’ (oma tara, M)
ritual and the placement of afa lebe at the gravesite of Mandati oma falu, in Bahatata, Hae Coni, and the insertion of the sa’a falu at the Bubuha oma falu at Larisula. In both instances, the lian nain conducted ceremonial chants. The Tetun term lian nain will be used in this thesis as it is the more commonly used term, the Makasae laida’a sobu-lolo’o being rarely used.
128 At a sa’a falu ceremony that I attended at Larisula, women were asked to dance the tebe dai at one point in
an area away from the oma falu construction site. It was explained that it was not appropriate for women to view a ritual killing of a dog at the site. Once slaughtered the blood from the dog was poured into the ‘male’ stump hole into which the sa’a had previously been inserted.
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Figure 1.14: Oma falu structure installed at Bubuha, Larisula, Baguia Sub-district, 16 August 2014. Note the original sa’a are situated to the right, beside the newly constructed oma falu.
Customary Makasae architecture features four thick upright wooden pillars (sa’a, M; ai rin, T).129 Each sa’a has a wooden disc-shaped plank (kai, M), with a central hole.130 Of the four
foundation stumps used for the oma falu structure, two are male (sa’a asukai, M) and two are female (sa’a tufurae, M). During the installation of the first male stump at the construction of Bubuha oma falu at Larisula that I attended, a dog was slaughtered and its blood was poured into the sa’a asukai stump-hole. This activity represented the fertility of the clan house.131
A wooden frame and bamboo walls create the structure of the oma falu, and a sloping thatched roof adds to the prestige of the dwelling. The roof is thatched with teru meta, which is stitched onto the roof frame using a large metal needle and rope twisted from the teru meta. The teru
129 Ruy Cinatti et al., Arquitectura Timorense, 98–119. An example of Makasae architecture in Gari-Uai and a
Naueti/Makasae example of architecture in ‘Ofulicai-Baguia’, which spelt in contemporary Tetun orthography as ‘Afaloicai-Baguia’ is featured in this publication.
130 Kai are placed horizontally onto the sa’a to prevent rodents climbing up the stump and entering the oma falu.
131 Miguel Ximenes, interview with author, Bubuha, Larisula, Baguia Sub-district, 16 August 2014; I did not
observe this directly as women were not permitted to participate in this ritual, but it was explained to me later by Miguel Ximenes. Forman, “Descent, Alliance, and Exchange Ideology among the Makassae of East Timor,” 160–161. Forman comments that one interpretation is that this rite was an enactment of the Makasai belief that life, be it human or plant, is extended though the meeting and mixing of two bloods (uai, uai lolae, M) and two sperm (uai buti, M). The insertion of the masculine stump having entered the feminine earth created the potential for the ‘mixing of two bloods’; however, its ultimate fecundity resided in the offering of ‘good’ red blood.
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meta roofs are replaced on an ‘as needs’ basis and local estimates indicate that they can last
for up to ten years132 whilst other reports indicate a life of 20 to 30 years.133
Figure 1.15: ‘Wohnhaus uma 1:50 Traufseite’ (Residence uma 1:50 eaves’ side). Illustration by Alfred Bühler
during his visit to Adui, Larisula, Baguia, 9 August 1935.
Source: Alfred Bühler. Tagebuchnotizen. Reise zu den kleinen Sundainseln Timor, Rote und Flores 27 März – 18 Dezember 1935. Unpublished field diary, 1935, 74.
Changes are occurring in the materials used in the post-independence construction of oma
falu in Baguia, as compared with those used in 1935 as documented by Bühler, with the use
of corrugated iron roofs increasing, rather than teru meta. Concrete sa’a are appearing in place of wooden pillars. These changes result from a desire to minimise the maintenance work required for each oma falu and because of the additional expense associated with these new
132 Bernardo Mango Ximenes, interview with author, Osso Huna, Baguia Sub-district, 9 October 2014. 133 Forman, “Descent, Alliance, and Exchange Ideology among the Makassae of East Timor,” 176.
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materials, they are increasingly perceived as more prestigious. Also electrical saws are replacing hand-tools where possible for efficiency. However, for such changes permission must be ‘endorsed’ by the ancestors through ritual.134 To alter an oma falu without the consent
of the ancestors would contravene customary beliefs and potentially invite the wrath of the ancestors upon clan members. In this way, change in Makasae culture continues to be mediated through established cultural structures and beliefs.
Diminished skills in wood-carving have resulted in a decline of decorative carving on oma
falu since Bühler’s visit to Baguia. Some clans include carved finials (lakasoru, laki, M; kakuluk,
T), to adorn the roof of their oma falu, whilst other sala fu explain that their ancestors never used them, ‘so we follow in their tradition’.135 Lakasoru consist of a female (left) and male
(right), which are inserted at either side of the top of the roof.136 Customarily, lakasoru are
embellished with carved geometric patterns of stars or birds, symbolic of the upper, sacred world in which the ancestors reside.137 Another interpretation is that the shape of the lakasoru
represents a buffalo horn symbolic of masculinity, strength and protection. Sometimes buffalo horns are used as lakasoru. At times of ritual activity, the ancestors would descend between the lakasoru into the oma falu.138
In 2014, lakasoru, if used at all, were made mostly from a flat piece of timber and sometimes painted or incised with simplified designs, derivative of older geometric patterns. Contemporary lakasoru are another illustration of how the material forms of objects are shifting, while their symbolic function remains unaltered.139 One of the reasons cited for why
people had not arranged the installation of lakasoru on their oma falu is that few people now
134 Miguel Ximenes, interview with author, Bubuha, Larisula, Baguia Sub-district, 16 August 2014; once an
animal is slaughtered senior men inspect its intestines, which, if healthy, indicates the ancestors’ approval and, if unhealthy, is regarded as a sign of the ancestors’ disapproval.
135 See MKB IIc 6406a&b and IIc 6407a&b; Julião de Olivera, interview with author, Uasufa, Alawa Craik,
Baguia-Sub-district, 27 August 2014.
136 The installation ceremony for the lakasoru requires them to be wrapped in handwoven cloth (rabi, kola, M; tais, T) and then lifted and inserted into the thatched roof.
137 Trindade, “Lulik: The Core Timorese Values.” See Trindade for further discussion of the symbolism of lakasoru.
138 Virgilio Simith, public floor talk for the exhibition Husi Bei Ala Timor Sira Nia Liman – From the Hands of Our Ancestors at the Museum and Art Gallery of the Northern Territory, Darwin, 10 September 2008. 139 In Makasae society it is believed that if birds circle around a house it is a warning of enemies approaching.
If birds fly over the roof of the house, it signifies that visitors are approaching. However, the inclusion of
lakasoru, either of carved wood or buffalo horn, on the roof of the oma falu occurs only for those clans who
81 know how to make them. Awareness of the purpose and function of lakasoru also appears to be diminishing.
Figure 1.16: Pair of carved wooden roof finials (lakasoru, M) acquired from Baguia by Alfred Bühler, 1935.
Source: Museum der Kulturen Basel, MKB IIc 6407a&b. Photograph provided by Museum der Kulturen Basel.
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Figure 1.17: ‘Wohnhaus uma von Adui 1:50 Giebelseite’ (Residence uma from Adui 1:50 gable side). Illustration by Alfred Bühler during his visit to Adui, Larisula, Baguia, 9 August 1935.
Source: Alfred Bühler, Tagebuchnotizen Reise zu den kleinen Sundainseln Timor, Rote und Flores 27 März – 18 Dezember 1935. Unpublished field diary, 1935, 73.
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Figure 1.18: ‘Hausdach-Verzierung Betulari’ (House roof ornament Betulari). Rooftop with buffalo horn roof finials (lakasoru, M).
Source: Museum der Kulturen Basel, MKB (F)IIc 1250. Photograph by Alfred Bühler, August 1935.
Figure 1.19a-b: Oma falu, Defawasi, Baguia Sub-district, 18 October 2014. Pair of lakasoru ornaments on the oma falu roof, featuring birds.
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Figure 1.20: Lakasoru ornaments, featuring birds, on the roof of a ceremonial house, oma falu, with corrugated iron roof, Samalare, Baguia Sub-district, 18 October 2014.
The Catholic Church has replaced the significance of falu and the oma falu in some circles, especially the elite members of society for whom education at Catholic schools, seminaries and convents has ensured a strict adherence to Catholic practices. Beliefs in falu and falunu have been deemed uncivilised by the Catholic Church, the Portuguese and the Indonesians, thus creating a sense of stigmatisation, shame and ‘backwardness’ for those who uphold customary practices and beliefs.140 However, many Makasae people who practise Catholicism
also continue to adhere to customary Makasae beliefs and perform cultural practices attributed to honouring and feeding the ancestors.
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Figure 1.21: A decorated crucifix inside the Baguia Catholic Church, Baguia Villa, October 2014. The crucifix is decorated with warrior attire such as handwoven man’s cloth wrap (kola, M), a pendant (belak,
T), coral necklaces (gaba, M; morten, T), a silver headdress (kai buak, T) and a feather headdress (asa namu, M;
manu fulun, T). Such attire is worn by Makasae men for ceremonial occasions.