Propuesta de actualización del plan de estudios

Finally, there is pattern indicated in the visa pathways used by the Chinese and Indian applicants for work, business and investment. Tables 2.3 presents the permanent visa categories accessed by and granted to China-born

applicants from 2010–11 to 2013–14. Table 2.4 presents the same information for India-born applicants. The visa categories in both tables include points-tested skilled migration, employer sponsored (non-points tested), the Business Innovation and Investment Programme (BIIP), and family migration.

Figures for recent first generation arrivals, from 2010 to 2014, reveal that Indian applicants have been much more likely to follow the opportunity of skilled migration or employer sponsored visa pathways: numbers have doubled since 2010–11 (see Table 2.4). For the same period and same categories, there have been fluctuations for the Chinese diasporas (see Table 2.3). However, Chinese applicants have sought entry via the BIIP in much higher numbers than Indians, whose applications for this category are nominal and in decline. Permanent family migration from both China and India appears to have stabilised after a period of growth, with larger numbers from China.

The BIIP provides opportunities for applicants to own and manage a new or existing business, or invest in complying investments. It is a visa pathway to permanent residency and applicants must satisfy several criteria relating to age, business and investment history, and current assets (among others). China is the number one source country for BIIP applications in recent years. Table 2.3 shows that there were 4,614 Chinese holders of BIIP visas during 2011–2012, accounting for 64 per cent of the total number of BIIP visas granted during that period. This has grown, with China-born applicants accounting for nearly 75 per cent of all BIIP visas in 2013–14. One stream of the BIIP is the Significant

Investment Visa (SIV) scheme. This scheme requires applicants to invest a minimum A$5 million in complying investments, with stipulations as to how the investment is t divided and where these funds are directed. Specific conditions require capital funding to be committed to start-up and small private

Table 2.3: Permanent migration visa categories granted to China-born applicants from 2010–11 to 2013–14

Permanent migration category 2010–11 2011–12 2012–13 2013–14

Skilled (points tested) 12,158 7,895 6,944 8,339

Employer sponsored (non-points tested) 3,480 3,235 3,718 3,476

Business innovation and investment 4,791 4,614 5,058 4,614

Family migration 9,077 9,703 10,428 10,327

Total 29,506 25,447 26,148 26,756

Source: Department of Immigration and Border Protection, 2015a.

Table 2.4: Permanent migration visa categories granted to India-born applicants from 2010–11 to 2013–14

Permanent migration category 2010–11 2011–12 2012–13 2013–14

Skilled (points tested) 12,733 17,025 24,812 24,568

Employer sponsored (non-points tested) 4,537 6,419 8,645 8,104

Business innovation and investment 61 64 48 40

Family migration 4,426 5,489 6,498 6,295

Total 21,757 28,997 40,003 39,007

Source: Department of Immigration and Border Protection, 2015c.

enterprises, in listed investment companies that support emerging enterprises, and in managed funds, or in a combination of eligible assets (Australian Trade Commission, 2016b). In data collated since 2012, China ranked number one as the source country for SIVs, representing 90 per cent of all applications, with 87 per cent granted (Lui, 2016). Applications from Hong Kong and Malaysia were the next highest source countries, again indicating the possibility that investment decisions are driven by their own significant Chinese diaspora populations. While data was readily available on Chinese applicants, statistical information on India appears to be much less comprehensive and sufficient. For example, data on holders of BIIP and SIV visas and their income streams is available for the Chinese diasporas, but not for Indian diasporas (ibid, p. 17).

Chinese and Indian diasporas in Australia on a temporary basis favour the Temporary Work (Skilled) visa (subclass 457). The 457 program was created to support approved businesses with

immediate human resource shortages. It allows

for the temporary migration of skilled labour and sought-after expertise. Table 2.5 shows the number of successful applications for 457 visas by China-born and India-born applicants from 2010–11 to 2013–14. The data suggests that four to five times more Indians than Chinese secure 457 visas. (Chapter 3 explores the occupations and industries benefiting from these increased application numbers). Figure 2.2 illustrates where the majority of 457 visa recipients are located, with the majority of Indians in New South Wales and Victoria, and the Chinese in New South Wales and Western Australia, pointing to where health, STEM and ICT expertise has been needed. This account of known information about new and temporary Chinese and Indians in Australia illustrates that they are more than just migrants. They are dynamic as a demographic cohort, significant in number, and highly educated when compared with the broader Australian population. They take very different routes in their migration patterns. There appears to be a preference for the Chinese diaspora toward permanent skilled migration, whereas more Indian diaspora entering under temporary 457 visas. The Chinese diaspora show a stronger interest in the BIIP visa options than the Indian diaspora. Yet, this account excludes demographical insights on other members of diasporas, namely Australian-born descendants, those of mixed parentage and temporary visa holders that transition or return at a later date and seek residency.

Much of the data Australia collects is still predicated on the traditional categories of migration such as place of birth, ethnicity, citizenship, reasons for coming to Australia, and

arrivals and departures. Further research on the diasporas is needed to understand the situation more fully, and exploration to understanding the constitution of other Australian Asian diasporas would be a worthy follow-up project.

Notwithstanding the relative lack of data on groups outside the traditional categories of migration, an understanding of the Chinese and Indian diaspora phenomenon in Australia is forming. New and temporary Chinese and Indian diasporas are transcending migration patterns of the past and possibly represent a new wave of movement of people from metropolitan centres in China and India, with highly cosmopolitan lives and who are used to the mobility and connectivity afforded by the new economy.

2.4 Diaspora experiences

in Australia

This has led to the establishment of long- standing diaspora communities in Australia, making it easier for new immigrants to settle and integrate. This is strongly recognised with well-established Chinese communities in Melbourne and Sydney, and to a lesser extent with the Indian community, given its size and length of time in Australia.

There are sometimes tensions between established and contemporary diasporas. The multitude of cultural groups and associations, events and ethnic media outlets facilitate co- operation between the diaspora generations. They have helped promote integration of the old and new and further supported the reconciliation of those strongly motivated to recover something that is lost or never experienced, such as their

Table 2.5: Temporary Work (Skilled) visa (subclass 457) awarded to China-born and India-born applicants from 2010–11 to 2013–14

Temporary Work (Skilled) visa (subclass 457) 2010–11 2011–12 2012–13 2013–14

China 2,979 4,804 6,609 6,159

India 15,808 22,078 27,211 24,521

emotional affinity with, or nostalgia for, their country of family origin. This holds true for ‘double migrants’ living in Australia who strongly identify with being Chinese and Indian but who were not born in either country (such as Fijian Indians and Malaysian Chinese). This phenomenon is explored elsewhere, by the likes of Brij Lal, Purushottama Bilimoria, and Margaret Kumar.

One advantage in the new conceptualisation of diasporas is its ability to capture all these diaspora experiences, from those born in China and India and their subsequent generations, through to temporary migration for work and business and international students who maintain connections and an affinity for Australia after they leave. Diasporas, in this sense, are dynamic and complex yet with some recognisable patterns. One such pattern that justifies international students as part of the conceptualisation is the transition of Chinese and Indian international students into permanent residents.