PROVISIÓN, RELLENO Y COMPACTADO DE ZANJA CON MATERIAL FINO UNIDAD: Metro Cubico (m3)

Ethics are of the upmost importance within any structure of investigation. Research into human behaviour must be critically assessed prior to any practical study to ensure participants are protected from harm. Stanley and Wise comprehensively argue that “treating people like objects – sex objects or research objects – is morally unjustifiable” (1993: 168). Those who we research must not be coerced, harmed (physically or emotionally) and must, at every stage, feel they are in control of their own thoughts and perspectives, individuals in their own right (England, 1994: 82). Ethics provide a system whereby learned scholars are able to consider the benefits as well as the disadvantages presented by the research to society, policy and individuals.

Ethics within the social sciences, however, have a tendency to focus upon the negative aspects of research, more willingly than to consider its positive interventions (Pain, 2004). The consideration of ethics, then, must be placed within the context of the research, rather than deciding based upon a number of categorical points (Kvale, 1996). Manzo and Brightbill (2007) argue that philosophical debates around ethics still continue to drive the decisions made by IRB (Institutional Review Boards), denying the dynamic-ness of particular research methods (e.g. participatory action research methods) as it is unable to adhere to pre-planned agendas as a result of its founding nature (Manzo and Brightbill, 2007).

The issue of Muslims in Western societies is topical, intriguing and very often controversially placed within wider social and political discourses, therefore ethical issues were of utmost importance throughout the project. Information divulged by the participants has been kept confidential and as such, names in this thesis have been altered to protect the women involved in the study. Participants were given my details prior to the interview being conducted and asked to read and sign a form of consent (See Appendix 6) which, rather than lay out the aims and objectives of the research and the use of data forthcoming from the interview, it was an indication of their rights as participants,

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reinforcing the expectations that they should have of the research, the data and of myself to protect them at all times. I ensured all participants had understood the form of consent and answered any queries which may have arisen. I also made it clear that they could contact me concerning any issues about the research and made a point of leaving my contact details (a business card) with them. Some participants questioned the reasons for the study and my own personal background and relationship with Islam and Muslims, this is further considered in my reflections of the fieldwork. Newcastle University ethical guidelines were followed and the research was subject to approval by the Ethics Board prior to the fieldwork being initiated. When submitting my ethical approval forms I considered any potential risks to the participants due to the nature of the study as there was an expectation to discuss experiences of anti-racism, Islamophobia and social experiences since September 11th, 2001 and July 5th, 2005 and, I write:

“It is crucial in this project for participants to feel they are able to trust the researcher

with personal experiences, therefore, interviews and focus groups will only take place when participants feel they are able to trust the researcher. This will also mean allowing participants to choose where interviews and focus groups take place, such as the home or community centre etc. This will allow participants empowerment within the research process”

(Excerpt 3. Section 7.1 from Newcastle University Ethical Approval Form, 30th April, 2009)

I was continually reflexive during the course of the fieldwork and tried to ensure that the participants were comfortable at all times. The initial interviews were conducted in places outside of the home, and as I was a visitor to these new places, I was often anxious that the interview be conducted in a formal way, with an interview guideline in hand, drinks available for the participant and the necessary paperwork understood and signed. I realised that as I went on to conduct more interviews, my behaviour became more casual and relaxed and I was able to socially and culturally identify with the women in a number of ways. This is further discussed in the reflections of the fieldwork in this chapter. The impact of carrying out semi-structured interviews in an informal and casual manner was redressed and manifested in the responses by some of the participants who understood I was not there as a government researcher (as my research was funded 50% by The Scottish Government) but as a student, looking to them for knowledge. I continually explained that although the research was partly funded by The Scottish Government, it

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was an academic study, not a policy driven research project. At the same time I also reinforced that there were expectations of myself to identify key issues in the Muslim community which may arise out of the research. Nonetheless, those issues were grounded in a grass roots level approach which would be considering the needs of the Muslim women involved in a study, not as an investigation into their everyday activities to report back to government office. The purpose of providing my contact details to participants was to give them the opportunity to get in touch with me any time after the interview to ask questions about the research, progress or to withdraw. The majority of participants did not maintain contact after the research process, and this is further reflected upon in my experience ‘after the fieldwork’ in this chapter.

In terms of reciprocity, there was little I could offer the participants in terms of financial or material gain, however, I was pleased to hear that for the women, the study represented a much needed approach in public discourse around the everyday lives of Muslim women and as many remarked on the interview process as one which was therapeutic and forced them to consider their personal responsibility for taking part in research. The following excerpt is from an interview carried out with Aisha in Glasgow:

“This kind of research really forces [you] to really think about er some of the deep rooted

views that you have and your reaction to those things and how you reacted to them and how you would possibly react in the future, so I think it’s a beautiful opportunity to be able to air things that you either haven’t aired before or haven’t aired for a long time and to go away feeling offloaded but with a bit of new insight into yourself and also with the

knowledge that you’ve hopefully been able to benefit somebody” (Aisha, 10th

March 2010, Glasgow)

The above interaction with Aisha highlights not only how she used the research interview to further play out the disenfranchised disabled Muslim community in Glasgow, yet to also simultaneously challenge herself and her personal judgements. This particular interview will stay with me for a long time as it was incredibly intense, humbling and emotional, lasting over three hours in the four walls of her small Glasgow flat. The interactions I had with Aisha, a visually impaired yet vibrant, humorous young woman was one filled with painful memories, regrets, distress and also ambition as she spoke delicately, shifting carefully around her kitchen preparing tea, using her hands to judge the temperature of the water, her fingers to estimate the depth of the tea in the cup and an

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acute awareness to skilfully perceive my voice and direct her eyes towards me when speaking, a skill she was taught as a young blind child by her parents.

Throughout the research, I felt an overpowering sense of accountability to reciprocate with the respondents and decided, after having discussed the idea with my supervisors at Newcastle University and Ruth Whatling at The Scottish Government office, that I would prepare a short report for The Scottish Government after completing my thesis which would address the issues within and between Muslim Communities in Scotland yet also offer an accessible outline of the research findings for those involved and those interested in the study. This is coupled with validating the aims of the research (Baxter and Eyles, 1997) as the report will be publicly accessible, allowing the researched to access their words.

4.9.1 Researcher and Researched Safety

The safety of researchers is often neglected and focus upon the participants’ safety usually takes precedence. Mags and Moore (2007) outline what they believe to be potential researcher safety concerns: Physical, emotional, ethical and professional. As equally important is the emotional protection of researchers and participants, especially when interviewers are bound by confidentiality agreements. These agreements must still be upheld if the participant discloses an event, experience or activity which questions the credibility of the researcher’s honesty, legal intents and ethical adherence. Therefore, confidentiality agreements also travel with the emotional burden of whether the researcher can actually provide such anonymity (Mags and Moore, 2007).

Safety concerns apply to both the researcher and researcher, intensifying the level of reflexivity required to carry out fieldwork and maintain ethical standards. In order to bring these concerns to the attention of the academic, we must think about the ways we can protect the rights of the researchers aside from physical safety e.g. letting colleagues know of one’s whereabouts, avoiding late night travel, ensuring one is able to contact family or friend if need be etc. In order to ensure my own safety during the fieldwork, I would leave details of overnight stays, locations and phone numbers with friends and family. I would also aim to finish my working day before it was dark and avoid walking alone in unknown areas.

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