Qué concepto de Interculturalidad necesitamos?

Counting slightly over 3,000 inhabitants (INEGI 2011c), Yaxcabá is the seat of the municipality bearing the same name. As the municipal seat, it is frequented by people from various smaller communities of the municipality arriving to complete formularies, attend educational institutions at secondary level, see a doctor or simply being in transit to travel to the cities.

Its public education covers from pre-primary education up to upper secondary level. It has two pre-schools, two elementary schools, one junior high school and one high school (COBAY). Of these educational institutions, only one of the two pre-schools belongs to the indigenous education system. The rest of the schools offer a regular curriculum without special attention to the indigenous language. The high school (COBAY) is attended by pupils from the whole municipality, commuting to Yaxcabá on a daily basis.

as well as one cybercafé. In addition, a free Wi-Fi hotspot was established in and around the building of the municipal palace during the fieldwork. A few families also had an internet connection at home. The large area of the community was covered by the mobile phone network.

As previously mentioned, the distance to the federal highway 180 is an important factor determining people’s migration behavior. The distance between Yaxcabá and the federal highway measures at 18 kilometers. From Yaxcabá, there is direct transportation to Mérida as well as Cancún on a daily basis. At the time of the fieldwork, there were two busses and several share taxis heading for and coming from Mérida every day, while there was one bus a day directly going to and coming from Cancún. The travel time to Mérida amounts to three hours by bus and about 90 minutes by shared taxi. By contrast, the bus ride to Cancún takes about five hours. There were frequent population movements between the community and the cities. At the time of the fieldwork, weekly commuting to Mérida was the most common pattern of out-migration. The majority of those who commuted to Cancún only returned to the community every second weekend (for further information, see chapter 5.1.1.1).

Yaxcabá is a heterogeneous community, contradicting the popular image of a peasant village characterized by homogeneity and the integrity of “culture” (cf. Redfield 1941). This is remarkable if one considers that 65 percent of those economically active in Yaxcabá continue to work in the primary sector of the economy, mainly cultivating maize in the milpa system of agriculture (Pérez Ruíz 2015:73). This particular way of making use of natural resources has long been and – to a certain degree – continues to be a feature that binds together the inhabitants, sharing the same ecological environment. Notwithstanding, complex patterns of social differentiation can be observed in today’s Yaxcabá that are not merely of recent origin. At present, social divisions in Yaxcabá manifest themselves in multiple ways. Besides the traditional categorization, these are also represented by differences in guiding principles for agricultural production (Pérez Ruíz 2015:123f., cf. Wolf 1955:454), strategies to cope with

“change” in recent decades and patterns of language choice, to name just a few. In order to understand social inequality in present-day Yaxcabá, it is essential to consider the complex ways in which traditional categorization based on descent is interpreted by its population in the face of modern conditions. Alluding to the historical dimension of social inequality is not to mention that social categories have been static in Yaxcabá since colonization. It is true that the classification pattern established in the colonial period – albeit reduced in importance and modified in its form – still persists in society (Pérez Ruíz 2015). Especially among those members of the older generation, the descent discernible through surnames is still considered a distinguishing feature which – albeit to a lesser extent than in the past – continues to influence the social life of inhabitants ranging from daily interactions to marriage behavior (Pérez Ruíz 2015, my own observation). Today, this categorical differentiation is losing ground, especially among younger generations (Pérez Ruíz 2015, my own observation). However, the inequalities often persist in the form of socioeconomic differences, which have possibly even further developed due to new economic opportunities resulting from the intensification of global interactions. For Yaxcabeños, these implicated – above all – the export of locally-produced honey and out-migration to the tourist city of Cancún. Indeed, more often than not, it is those already privileged who benefit from these new possibilities, since access to them depends on the accumulated capital in its materialized or embodied forms (cf. Bourdieu 1986[1983]). The latter is not restricted to skills and knowledge acquired through formal education, but – as indicated above – also encompasses the general disposition towards profit-making, which is significantly transmitted in the family. Apart from material inheritance, this “hidden form of hereditary transmission” (Bourdieu 1986[1983]) seems crucial in reproducing the old social structure characterized by divisions based on descent in present-day Yaxcabá. Although descent has been mentioned as a distinguishing feature, it is important to note that social differentiation in Yaxcabá cannot be described in terms of a simple dichotomy between those bearing Spanish surnames and those with Maya counterparts. Characterized by the occurrence

of mix marriages and internal differentiation, the social structure in Yaxcabá after the conquest has always been more complex than the stratification into the two supposedly-distinct “groups”. Moreover, it has recently become further diversified through new educational and economic opportunities from which people could benefit to a varying degree. Accordingly, a view on the heterogeneous society of Yaxcabá reveals that the existing social inequalities cannot be explained merely as the remnant of the colonial structure. On the other hand, it is neither the case that the classification in present-day Yaxcabá is made solely based on individual socioeconomic achievement. Both ideologically and materially, the old social divisions are partly reproduced, which is currently manifested – for example – in the different ways in which people participate in and benefit from global interactions.

The heterogeneity of society is also indicated by its language situation. According to the census data, Yucatec Maya158 is spoken by about 62 percent of the population older than five years in the municipal seat of Yaxcabá (INEGI 2011c). As is generally the case with communities experiencing language shift, the variance among the population is primarily age-dependent. While both Yucatec Maya and Spanish are used for communication within the community, the use of Spanish predominates in generations aged under 30. When it comes to adolescents and children, the majority have either only passive or no command of Yucatec Maya (my own observation). However, the variance in language competence and behavior can also be observed in the same age groups, suggesting varying patterns of language transmission in the families. At present, Yucatec Maya is best maintained in those households continuing the cultivation of milpa, while in some other families typically not dedicated to the

milpa agriculture in the present the transmission of Yucatec Maya seems to have stopped a

long time ago. Although the latter families are more likely to have Spanish surnames, ethnic

158 _{The census only refers to the percentage of speakers of an indigenous language (but not specifically Maya).}

However, as mentioned in footnote 142, in the case of the state of Yucatan more than 98 percent of speakers of an indigenous language are Maya speakers (INEGI 2011a). Furthermore, based upon my own observation, hardly any speakers of other indigenous languages can be found in Yaxcabá.

division – understood in a primordial sense – is not an adequate way to explain the current sociolinguistic situation in Yaxcabá for the following reasons. First, as has been generally the case in the Yucatan peninsula after the conquest (see chapter 3.1.2.1), Yucatec Maya has long been the language used for communication among those born in Yaxcabá regardless of descent, although some of them might have acquired it as their second language. Second, there seems to be – at least roughly speaking – a broad consensus on the cultural value of the language. Yucatec Maya is appreciated as a diacritic of the regional identity by many of the inhabitants, regardless in which family they have been socialized. Therefore, in order to understand the current state of bilingualism in Yaxcabá, it seems important to pay special attention to subtle variances in the meaning and function attached to the two languages among the population, instead of insisting on rigid ethnic division.

3.2.1.2 Tiholop

Tiholop – a district (comisaría) of the municipality – is located about 33 kilometers south of the municipal seat of Yaxcabá (cabecera). With nearly 1,500 residents, its population is approximately half as large as the municipal seat (INEGI 2011c). Although there is an asphalted road that connects the two sites and other localities on the way, its conditions were so poor during the time of the fieldwork that bus ride from one place to the other could take over an hour.

Since recently, its public education also covers from pre-primary education up to the upper secondary education. It has one pre-school, one elementary school, one junior high school and one high school (COBAY), officially inaugurated in 2016.159 The elementary school of Tiholop belongs to the system of indigenous education, with a part of the teaching staff being bilingual in Maya and Spanish.

159 _{At the time of the fieldwork, the junior high school – without its proper building at that time – was requesting}

With respect to the telecommunication infrastructure, mobile phone coverage was restricted to some particular points in the community and the majority of households were not equipped with a landline at the time of the fieldwork. Indeed, it was not until recently – in fact, during the fieldwork – that an internet connection became available for the general public through a free Wi-Fi hotspot in and around the building of the comisaría.

The distance between the community and the federal highway is over 50 kilometers. At the time of the fieldwork, there were two busses heading for and returning from Mérida on a daily basis, with a travel time of about four hours. There was no direct transportation to Cancún. However, at least on the way to the city, there was a smooth connection in Yaxcabá between the bus from Tiholop heading for Mérida and the one leaving Yaxcabá for Cancún every day early in the morning. The travel time was about seven hours overall.

As Tiholop belongs administratively to the municipality of Yaxcabá, there is also regular traffic between the community and the municipal seat. People from Tiholop occasionally have to travel to Yaxcabá to complete formalities and some even commute on a daily basis, usually being students visiting the high school (COBAY) in Yaxcabá or those holding public office in the municipal council. However, Tiholop is also affiliated with other neighboring localities in the south. Although it might seem like an out-of-the-way place seen from the municipal seat, it serves as a local center for surrounding smaller settlements. In addition, it also maintains close relations with communities outside of the municipality of Yaxcabá. Its current affiliation with Chikindzonot, Peto and Tahdziú – which are today the seats of respective municipal governments – can possibly be traced back to the historical political geography of the region (Lizama Quijano 2007:15, 42).

The above-indicated geographic location and accessibility have also significantly determined migration patterns and kinds of connections that people have developed with the cities. As in Yaxcabá, male labor migration to Mérida is quite common and normally occurs on a weekly basis, whereby the impacts are especially noticeable on the weekend when the

migrants return to Tiholop with their wages. Owing to the distance and lack of direct transportation, regular commute to Cancún is barely possible from Tiholop. For the same reason, visits of those who have immigrated to the city are much less frequent than in Yaxcabá. Moreover, unlike the situation in the municipal seat, return migration from the cities is rather rarely observed, with the exception of some individual cases. In sum, the migrant circuit between Tiholop and the cities shows less intensity and complexity of population movement compared with Yaxcabá, which can surely be partly attributed to its location and transportation system (see chapter 5.1.1.2). In addition, for those in Tiholop, at the time of my fieldwork it was more difficult to keep in regular contact with emigrants in the cities, owing to the relatively meager telecommunication infrastructure in the community. Thus, with respect to both the transportation system and telecommunication infrastructure, the community of Tiholop is characterized by a higher degree of isolation. If Redfield’s line of argument were to be adopted, one would also expect a homogeneity and organization of culture there.

Indeed, the centrality of the traditional agriculture is maintained to a greater extent in Tiholop compared with Yaxcabá, which will be discussed in chapter 5.3.2.1. Furthermore, the language situation seems much more homogeneous in Tiholop, with Yucatec Maya spoken by over 96 percent of the population older than five years according to the census data (INEGI 2011c).160 The homogeneity indicated in the figures also corresponds with the impression that one gains upon arrival in the community. Yucatec Maya is the language used for overall communication and Spanish is hardly heard, except in interactions with small children (my own observation). The continuity in these and other aspects of everyday life is also recognized as a distinguishing feature by the inhabitants of the municipality, as reflected in their conception of Tiholop as one of the most traditional communities (Lizama Quijano 2007:15,

160 _{The census only refers to the percentage of speakers of an indigenous language (but not specifically Maya).}

However, as mentioned in footnote 142, in the case of the state of Yucatan, more than 98 percent of speakers of an indigenous language are Maya speakers (INEGI 2011a). Furthermore, based upon my own observation, hardly any speakers of other indigenous languages can be found in Tiholop.

my own observation). Although all of this seems to corroborate Redfield’s explanation of sociocultural change, there are several factors to be considered before reducing the differences between the communities to the extent of urban influence. As his ahistorical approach has generally been criticized, it would be important to take into account the community’s historical formation as well as long-standing network that extends beyond the contacts with the urban center(s). Moreover, another important point of consideration to understand the situation of Tiholop is the subtleness of changes and the way in which they are perceived by the population, which will be discussed in chapter 5.

3.2.2 Cities

Concerned with indigenous migration, the research project also included the urban sites of Mérida and Cancún, the two major urban centers in the Yucatan peninsula (see chapter 4.1). The two cities are similar in scale, regional importance and even the numerical presence of Maya speakers. They both owe their population growth to a considerable degree to immigration from rural communities of the peninsula. Nevertheless, perhaps unsurprisingly, Maya speakers’ experiences of the urban life considerably differ in the two cities, with Mérida being the traditional administrative and commercial center of the region and Cancún the tourist city constructed in the 1970s. The present section provides an introduction to the respective urban settings, with a special emphasis on immigration from the countryside as well as the language situation.

3.2.2.1 Mérida

Mérida – or jo’ in Yucatec Maya – is the capital of the state of Yucatan, with its urban center161 counting more than 777,000 inhabitants according to the census data of 2010 (INEGI 2011c). Since its foundation in 1542, Mérida has served as an administrative and later

161

also a commercial center in the peninsula. The founding of the Spanish city of Mérida on the ruins of the Maya city of Tihó has long been seen as a symbol representing the conquest and colonization of Yucatan (Restall 1997:2). However, Restall counters this image of destruction and construction by the conquest, pointing to a certain continuity in urban layout as well as the sociopolitical organization of colonial era-Tihó (1997:2, 31). While the preconquest ceremonial center was replaced by Spanish Mérida, the five surrounding communities – just a short walk from the center inhabited by the Spaniards – continued to function as Maya communities. These are classified as barrios in the Spanish-language sources and as cahob (in the singular cah) in Maya-language material (Restall 1997:31-33). Drawing from Maya-language documents, Restall concludes that these communities maintained their social organization and identity as

cahob to the very end of the colonial period, despite the expansion of the urban center and the

resulting intrusion of the Spanish world in these areas (1997:35f.). In addition to the persistence of these Maya communities, the indigenous rural-urban migration is already documented for the colonial period (Farriss 1984:202-206). In sum, although Mérida was the chief place of residence of the Spaniards, its indigenous side was manifested in the survival of the Maya communities “just minutes’ walk from the very heart of the Spanish province” (Restall 1997:31), as well as the immigration from the countryside (cf. Moßbrucker 1994:55).

Concerning the language situation of the urban Maya residents, Lentz highlights that especially towards the end of the colonial period Maya in the urban area were capable of writing and speaking Spanish to a much stronger degree than their rural counterparts (2009:152f.). Notwithstanding, Yucatec Maya continued to be used for the notarial business of the urban barrios, apparently until the end of the colonial period, with the last extant sale bill in Yucatec Maya language dated to 1809 (Restall 1997:36).

The formal distinction between the Spanish urban center and the indigenous barrios was abolished around 1870 as the barrios ceased to have their own local officials (Redfield 1941:27, 34). Despite the end of the political segregation, Redfield reports that they still

remained separate communities to a considerable degree in the early-20th century, divided by upper and lower class (1941:27-29). At the same time, he observed a certain degree of social and spatial mobility, which had blurred the center-barrio division reminiscent of the colonial period (1941:31f.).

While the population movement towards the urban area has a long tradition in the Yucatan peninsula (Farriss 1984:202-206), the massive influxes of the rural population into the city began in the last century. The dynamics of the rural-urban migration are manifested in the rate of population growth in the city, which reached its peak in the 1970s after the intensification of the crisis in the henequen industry. Even after this most explosive decade, with an average annual growth rate of over 6 percent, the city keeps growing whereby more than 40 percent of the state’s population is concentrated in its capital today. While Mérida is the thirteenth largest city in the nation – counting more than 777,000 inhabitants – it retains its predominantly regional character, with more than 83 percent of the population born in the state of Yucatan (INEGI 2011a). The recent population growth in Mérida is largely due to the immigration from the formerly henequen-growing zone of the state surrounding the city. Being the capital