Reacciones químicas de los grupos funcionales de las proteínas

he would ever introduce a measure which would be detrimental to h is Maori people*•

12

Ute ’s e p a r a t i s t ! s ' o r 'hom e-rule' c h ie fs d is tr u s te d th e government. They a sse rte d t h e i r f a i t h in Maori c a p a b il i ti e s , reacted to p a te r n a lis t a ttitu d e s and pressed fo r a leg a l Maori Parliam ent. They f e l t th a t

Caropeatts had demonstrated fo r over 40 years t h e i r in cap acity to manage &aori m atters j u s t l y . They tru s te d n e ith e r Seddou nor o th e r European p o l itic ia n s , w ith land-hungry v o ters a t t h e i r back, to pass {measures favourable to the M aoris.34

i

The moderates p re v a ile d . With th e encouragement o f James C a rro ll, now a M inister in th e Seddon Government, a 0111 d ra fte d by a sp e cia l committee o f th e Maori Parliam ent led by Apirana Ngata and Hone Iteke, was f in a lly th e b a s is o f le g is la tio n which Seddon introduced in 1900.

The B ills , the Maori Lands A dm inistration B ill and th e Maori Councils B ill, were a compromise between th e demands o f Maori lead ers and th e p ressures exerted by Europeans who wanted more land fo r se ttle m e n t. The Land Court was not abolished although th e Councils were given some ju d ic i a l powers. The s ig n ific a n c e o f th e B ills u ltim a te ly lay le s s ia t h e i r content than in th e immediate fa c t th a t Maori p ressu re had succeeded in forcing th e government to recognise e t le a s t some o f t h e i r minimum a s p ir a tio n s .

In th e debate oa th e l e g is la tio n , th e O pposition attack ed th e U l i s on such incom patible grounds as 'pondering to th e Maori K ing', denying Maoris th e 'r i g h t ' o f in d iv id u a liz a tio n , and keeping them i n 'tu te la g e * . Reference was made to Maori 'la n d lo rd is m ', w ith th e im p licatio n th a t no s e lf-re s p e c tin g B ritis h s e t t l e r would accept a Maori le a s e or pay re n t to a Maori. The Advances to S e ttle r s Act o f 1894 (which made cheap c r e d it a v a ila b le to small farm ers) had not been extended to M aoris, y et th e undeveloped s t a t e o f much Maori land was again advanced as a reason fo r i t s s a le . Seddon defended th e B ills w ith h is eustomary lo g ic a l a c ro b a tic s , including referen ces to th e le g is la tio n giving the Maoris 'something to occupy t h e i r a tt e n t i o n ' and to t h e i r powers being 's l i g h t * . C a rro ll, w ith sa fe ty f in a lly speaking h is mind, s ta te d :

34 i b i d . , p. 104

35 I t i s adm itted th a t th is le g is la tio n would not have been p o ssib le w ithout some sympathy with Maori com plaints and a s p ir a tio n s .

Surely after all these years of bungling with regard to Native matters it is about time the question was left in the hands of

the Natives themselves.

\

James Carroll and the Young Maori Party.

I

.

f Born in 1893, James Carroll (Timi Kara) was of mixed Irish-Maori parentage. Largely self-educated, he had a background of experience in the Native Department and as an interpreter in Parl i a m e n t . ^ He was ejected as the member for Eastern Maori in 1887 but from 1893 represented h European seat. In 1892 he was the 'Member of the Executive Council /representing the Maori Race* and later attained high office in the

O R

Liberal Cabinet.

Carroll was elected at a time of intense Maori activity in reaction to Government land policies and he attained ministerial office when there was much sympathy for Maori aspirations, but great pressure on Maori land for the realization of the small farmer policy of the Liberals. His task as spokesman for the race was therefore complicated by his responsibility to assist the implementation of Government policy. The latter role often appeared to predominate. Carroll's real attitudes are not always clear. It was obvious that his political career produced some tension of loyalties; it was not easy to chart a course which benefitted Maoris in what was still basically a hostile climate of opinion. He appeared to accept the

amalgamationist policy but he may also have feared the consequences for Maoris of settler reaction. Thus, in 1891, he had recognized the justice and the necessity for Maoris to control their own affairs, but his support wavered as it became clear that government altruism stopped short of

separatism. He was therefore unsympathetic to the separatist aims of the 36 Williams, op.cit., pp. 110-11.

37 RP, MS 188, 'Personal Remeniscences - Sir James Carroll', contains Carroll's own account of the effect of this part of his life on his later career.

38 In 1893 Carroll contested the European constituency of Waiapu, holding this until 1908 when the seat disappeared with the revision of

electoral boundaries. From 1908 to 1919 he represented Gisborne. He was Colonial Secretary in 1895, Commissioner of Stamp Duties in 1896 and from 1899 to 1912, Native Minister as well; from 1909 to 1911 he was Minister in charge of the Cook Islands. He was acting Premier in 1909 and 1911 and was awarded the K.G.M.G. in 1911. He was a member of the Legislative Council, 1921-1926.

- 14 -

Maori Parliament and to plans to replace the Land Court by a system of committees. In 1894 he said, 'The idea that Natives were capable of doing the work of the Native Land Court ... was an absurdity'• When the moderate section of the Maori Parliament emphasised ameliorative rather than separatist aims, he gave his support and guidance to legislation and a committee system that did not challenge established institutions.

Carroll's special contribution, to become known as the 'taihoa policy', was his attempt, based upon acceptance of the fact of a settler dominated government and society, to reconcile the conflicting interests of/the two races and to make the process of change for Maoris as painless af possible. /He tried to slow down the rate of land alienation and to remove the disabilities that prevented them from taking a fuller share in the social and economic life of the commu n i t y . ^ He appreciated the bases of social action and knew that Maoris needed the support of their own reference groups, which therefore had to retain some stability and identity if Maoris were to cope confidently with change. This was something that Maori protest leaders had long realized themselves but they also believed that Maori initiative and political pressure could not be excluded.

Carroll's ideas had a profound influence on the later Te Aute

reformers whom he saw also as interpreters of the minds of two races, and whose views were possibly a welcome compensation for the limitations

39 Williams, op.cit., p.9l (1894).

40 Ngata denied that Carroll ever used the word 'faihoa' or even enunciated such a philosophy. 'He was too wise to give it form. But for more than a generation he personified it in office and out. We his

intimates and executives, were not told in so many words, but caught the spirit.*.'. Ngata added that Carroll stressed equality of the races but 'sensed only too keenly the danger from the presence of a young, vigorous and impatient Pakeha European population*. Ngata to Ramsdem, 28 March 1950, quoted in J.B.Condliffe, Te Hanoi Hiroa: the. Life of Sir Peter Buck. Christchurch, 1971, p.118. The spirit of Carroll's attitude, summed up by Ngata as 'masterly delay', was, when translated into 'taihoa', used as a term of approbrium by his

detractors. See The Gisborne Times. 4 Aug, 1900, which regarded his policy and Maori requests for financial assistance as 'coddling the Maoris'.

15

imposed upon hi® by his political responsibility. Ngata, in particular, was to refine, add to and enunciate his ideal with particular

41

sing1 esindedness.

The resurgence of Maori political energy in the 1090's was achieved

by traditional leaders. Kith Maori opinion divided and with Carroll's

help, the Te Ante Reformers were able to strengthen and direct the pro« governoent faction. Their challenge to the old order was assisted by

some disillusionment stealing from the stolid inertia of a British

Government quite alive to Maori disabilities but rarely inclined to

disallow legislation against Maori interests. After 1900 initiative passed to the reformers. They appeared to succeed in tethering Maori initiative to the legal and political framework of the predominant society. Those reformers who became politicians were important not only in the context of ?tew Zealand Maori polities but also for their contribution to Cook

Islands policies« In both contexts their view of the nation-making process was highly significant. Ngata's views, for instance, on the 'government' of Polynesians were to contribute to a national mythology that had its roots in idealism and the need, common to all nations, to rationalise,

42

transform and find sustenance in shared experience.

Ngata, Te Rangi Biroa, Poraare and others were the products of missionary and humanitarian training which refined their talents and

43

fitted them to become the interpreters of one race to another. Their

41 See Coadliffe, op.cit., pp.118-9 for ftgata's tribute to Carroll as a

statesman and orator, and for his realization of the significance of the Young Maori Party. Ngata almost gives the impression that the

'masterly delay* was conceived so that the younger generation of politicians could mature. Of his own role Ngata said, 'If 1 may use so ambitious a parallel, 1 was to Carroll as Seddon to Eillance - the Interpreter of his ideals, the builder who gave form and shape to what we graspingly strove to delineate*.

42 This will be discussed in the last chapter.

43 A high percentage of Te Aute achievers came of mixed parentage or

ancestry. Among these were Te Rang! Biroa (Buck), lomare, F.A.Bennett (later to become Bishop of Aotearoa), Mi Pere and ii Parata. There appears to be little evidence of any crisis of identity among them. The influence of the Headmaster, John Thornton, was strong. Buck acknowledged the Hebt the Young Maori Party owed him.

16

schooling impressed upon thou high ideals of achievement and of religious a ad social service, Te Aute College produced men who la te r became

doctors, lawyers, m inisters of relig io n , scholars, teachers, adm inistrators and p o litician s - some of these vocations combined in the seme persons,

iroadly speaking they accepted amalgamstioaist aims - i n i t i a l l y in th e ir most Eurocentric and p atern alist form.

the genesis of th e ir a c tiv ity as a group began at Te Ante in the 10% reformation of the e a rlie r 'Association for the Amelioration of the Maori Eace* (1091). A less elaborate plan for tbe u p liftin g of the s p irtta a l and material condition of the race sent i t s members forth with missionary zeal to e n lis t the support of tr ib a l elders in the transformation. Ngata was appointed organizing secretary in 1099. Be travelled the country attending, among others, meetings of tbe Maori Parliament. In 1892 fee had regarded the aims of the movement with impatience and condescension. He la te r realized that i t provided a springboard for the reforms the

Association favoured.

Of a l l the reformers Ngata was to become a t once the most Maori-centred

44

and to remain the most forceful exponent of the one-nation id eal. The strength of his conviction and commitment lay not only in his early training but essen tially in his East Coast tr ib a l background within which, as a

45

leader, fee was both a tra d itio n a lis t and an innovator. He was deeply

44 See Condliffe, o p .c i t., p.95 for d a t a 's statement to Rarasden and a description of his a ttitu d e to Europeans; his 'pro-Maori sentiment*; and his intense involvement with things and a ffa irs Maori. Condliffe (p .llS ) sums up the personality difference between Ngata, Carroll and Buck thus: 'C arroll was a renowned bon viveur, Ngata an ascetic, and Te Rang! Iiiroa stood between them*.

45 d a t a 's a ttitu d e s were shaped by his position in tbe Ngati Boron trib e , whose land had not been subject to early exploitation and who had for

the most part maintained a neutral stance during the wars of the 1860's. See G.V.Uutterworth, 'The P o litic s of Adaptation: The Career of Sir Apirana Ngata, 1874-1928', unpublished M.A. th e sis, V ictoria University of Wellington, 1%9. Ngata was born in 1874. Be graduated Ö.A. (1893) and LL.B. (see Williams, 'The Foundation of Apirana Ngata's Career, 1891-1909' in Pocock, o p .c it., and Condliffe, o p .c i t ., for different graduation d ates.) Ngata was in Parliament from 1905 to 1943. Be represented the Maori race in the Executive Council, 1909-12 and was Minister of Native A ffairs and the Cook Islands, 1926-1934.

17

influenced by C a rro ll's views but, iß bis own rig h t, be was also a

assi (mate exponent of land development, believing that Maori well-being and advancement ultim ately depended more on effective use of tbe land than upon p o litic a l a g itatio n . I f Maoris could use the land and thereby reta in i t , other facets of Maori l i f e could be maintained. I t was to ib is end that Ngata placed great emphasis on tbe preservation of Maori tr ib a l organisation and leadership and tbe revival of tra d itio n a l a rt

forms. Of in trin s ic value, they were also a bulwark against tbe destruction of Maori id e n tity and confidence* He disagreed with Pomare's estimation th at Maoris would cease to be an id e n tifia b le race within two or three generations. He envisaged -

A race possessed of a strong national sentiment, conscious in a l l I ts parts of a d is tin c t and separate existence, but none tbe le ss subject to law and government, loyal to tbe flag tb a t protects i t , giving i t s best, however l i t t l e , to tbe welfare of tbe sta te , deriving i t s health and strength from tbe wisdom of tbe English.

In persuading Maori leaders to pnrsue p ractical aims Ngata acted upon tbe assumption tbat these would be attained more readily by co-operation with tbe government. Be believed tbat Parliament would be enlightened enough to appreciate tbe ju s tic e of Maori claims and tbe benefit of conferring upon Maori farmers tbe assistance i t afforded European s e ttle r s .

To Bang! Hiroa and Pomare were fellow tribesmen from Taranaki. Both studied medicine and worked as medical o ffic ers of health under tbe 1900 Maori Councils Act before becoming p o litic ia n s - Te Bang! Hiroa for a b rie f period from 1909 to 1915 a fte r tbe death of Hone Heke, and Poliere from 1911 to 1928. As Ngata bad done, Te Bang! Hiroa modified bis i n i t i a l rath er narrow views. Uis excessive piety were o ff - be was early

described as a 'prayerful young man* given to edifying sp iritu a l eeaexmt. His strongly held views on absolute equality between tbe races was modified by wider acquaintance with Maori conditions and tbe relentlessness of

European pressures. His views were further softened by bis apprenticeship

4b Williams, 'The Foundation of Apirana Ngata*s C areer.• • ', p, 60. 47 Condllffe, o p .c it., p. 66.

in learning the classical Maori used on the marae and by his increasing respect for a material and cultural heritage that was threatened with extinction. Apart from his period as a p o litician and medical o ffic er, his main influence on Maori and Cook Islands a ffa irs flowed from the

ideas he and Ngata exchanged during his years as an expatriate in Honolulu. Pomare was perhaps the most determined and European-oriented of the modernisers. His medical training in America had removed him from the Te Aute Association^ a c tiv itie s but his support of i t s reforms and his conception of the task ahead was sim ilar to the early Association view. He said