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La recepción autocrítica de Heidegger como punto de partida

DE LA FENOMENOLOGÍA A PARTIR DE SER Y TIEMPO

1. La recepción autocrítica de Heidegger como punto de partida

The role of the reservation system in the SC child health is an important issue to understand. In this paper, I have tried to understand the causal impact of the quota system in India on the IMR and the U5MR of the SC children. The overall result shows that the quota system plays a positive and significant role in shaping the health of the SC children. I find that the impact of the 50-60% representation is crucial for the minorities. This is important because the results show that as soon as the SC population has the majority representation (50% or higher), the impact on the IMR and U5MR starts becoming more significant. In the dataset, only about 7% of the observations have less than a 50% representation. Hence, one of the key results from the paper is that a majority representation in the state legislature is all that is required to have a dent in the SC IMR and U5MR. I find that the impact of the quota system in reducing the IMR and U5MR are comparable. Finally, I find that the effect of the quota system is much smaller in the urban areas than in the rural areas. This is not very surprising since the urban areas tend to have more doctors, hospitals and better infrastructure compared to rural India. The private health care services tend to focus in urban areas because of the financial viability

85 and the accesses of basic infrastructure like road, electricity, and water. This leads to the larger supply of healthcare services in urban areas leaving the government to focus in rural areas. Hence, more representation is more likely to channel the public funds and infrastructure in the rural areas more easily than to the urban areas.

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CHAPTER FOUR: DISCUSSION

Although various forms of Affirmative Action policies have been in place in many countries in the world, the true socio-economic impact of those policies on the targeted populations has not been definitively assessed. This dissertation fills the void in the existing literature by finding additional evidence of the impact of one such AA policy in India on India’s minority SC population. By assessing the impact of India’s political reservation system on its minorities’ education and health outcomes, I have contributed to the larger discussion on the effectiveness of affirmative action policies in general. If the goal of the political reservation system in India is to uplift the socio-economic status of its minorities, and eventually erode away the underlying social and economic discrimination that still exists based on the caste system, then the reservation system in India should be considered a “success.”

This dissertation finds that the reservation system in India has been fairly effective in improving the education and health outcomes of minorities. The gross enrollment ratios

(GERs) in various levels of schooling would increase 1.61% - 7.64% for every 10% increase in the quota share of the SC population in the state’s Legislative Assemblies. More specifically, if the SC’s population share did not change, I find that an increase of 1% of the SC quota in the state’s legislative seat would increase gross primary enrollment rate by about 5.55, gross upper-

primary enrollment rate by 5.69, gross secondary enrollment rate by 8.63, and gross higher secondary enrollment rate by 7.75. Likewise, the dropout rates among the SC students would

87 fall 1.88% - 5.25% for every 1% increase in the quota share. Overall, that is a very promising indicator that the quota system has been effective in improving the education outcomes of the targeted groups. Similarly, I also find that the infant mortality rates among the SC children could fall 68% - 78% and the under-five mortality rates could fall 66% - 73% if the quota share is at least 50% of the SC’s population share. This means that in some states, even an increase of one seat for the SC would mean increased school enrollments, decreased drop outs and decreased deaths of SC infants and children. Majority of the existing literature have already concluded that the current political reservation system in India have had positive impact in the poverty reduction and transfer of wealth for the SC population thereby likely improving the well-being of those minority groups. My dissertation adds a direct evidence of improved well- being of SC as a result of the political reservation to the literature. The findings of a positive and significant impact on the minority’s education and health is a significant step towards

understanding the real impact these reservation policies have had over the past few decades. From the policy maker’s point of view, this study finds that there are significant positive effects of the minority political quota system on the minority’s education and health outcomes. Even though economists deal with many variables in the environment to study any issues- making it harder to estimate the exact impact of any laws, this study, coupled with previous findings on the impact of such policies from other authors, shows that the law is an important safety blanket for individuals under the SC category. In reality, between 1976 and 2008, the SC quota share increased from 13.83% to 14.73% (+6.5%). Between the same periods, the SC

primary GER increased from 101.2 to 128.5 (+26.097%), and upper primary GER increased from 31.1 to 85.2 (+173.9%). Likewise, the IMR and U5MR among the SCs have also fallen during that

88 period. Between 1992 and 2005, the U5MR among the SC children have fallen from 149.1 to 88.1 (-40.9%) and the IMR have fallen from 86.3 to 71.0 (-17.7%). These statistics show that India has made progress, but much more could be done with a more carefully crafted political quota system.

Even though the Scheduled Castes (SCs) form the biggest portion of India’s minority groups, the Scheduled Tribes (STs) and the Other Backward Classes (OBCs) form a significant minority. According to the National Sample Survey conducted in 2007 by the Government of India, 40.9% of India’s population is OBC, 19.6% is SC, 8.6% is ST and 30.9 % is the rest of the population. Even though the OBC population has no Constitutional political reservation in place, there are quotas assigned for them in the education and employment sectors. Future research in this field could focus on the impact of those quotas on OBC’s socio-economic outcomes. Similarly, future papers should also focus on the impact of the political reservation policy that assigns legislative quotas to STs on the ST population’s socio-economic outcomes. However, from a policy maker’s point of view, studying the impact of such policies on minorities’ outcomes itself does not provide evidence of the “success” of the policy. Future research should also focus on the impact of those AA policies on the general population’s outcomes. The question should be: “Has all of the reservation policies in many sectors of day-to- day lives, helped or hurt the general population?” The conclusive evidence of the “success” of the policy would be if the policy is Pareto efficient wherein the overall benefits to the minorities, outweigh the overall loss to the general population.

There is a clear positive and statistically significant impact of the political reservation on the education and health outcomes of the SC population. However, the fact that the

89 Delimitation Commission has only met four times since the inception of the Constitution means that the SC legislative seat proportion and the SC population proportion has been the same only 4 times in the past 67 years. Therefore, a major policy recommendation of this dissertation is that the Government of India should find a way to equate the SC seat proportion and the SC population proportion every year even if the Delimitation Commission might not meet that often.

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