One of the best faring parts of the SRBS was the region’s social capital. Given the wide variety of goals within the Tool’s definition of social capital, ranging from the lack of poverty and exclusion to the strength of social networks, there were many goals identified in the region that constitute social capital (CC Scan, 2013). The two stocks are citizenship, which includes considerations of social cohesion, equity, and governance, and public safety.
Figure 11. Social Capital Scores.
Citizenship
The citizenship stock is one of the most complex in the SRBS. Given the multitude of regional priorities that are relevant for the region’s sense of citizenship and engagement, there are eight requirements in this stock. These goals focus first on equity, highlighting the need for poverty reduction, middle class growth, reduced concentration of poverty, and cross-community healing. Second, they highlight the need for community-based decision-making and local initiatives to solve neighbourhood problems. Finally, the need for stronger governance is described in goals for governmental ethics reform, support of sustainable policies, and more wisely designed institutions.
Table 6. Requirements and Indicators for Citizenship.
No. Requirement No. Indicator
S1 There is no poverty in New Orleans. I109 Poverty rate S2 There is a large and vibrant middle class. I110 Middle class
S3 There is no concentration of poverty in the inner city so that low-income individuals and families can be part of their communities
and have more even access to services and opportunities. I111 Concentration of poverty
S4
New Orleans is becoming a region with more social and economic equity, greater trust, healing, and removal of stereotypes and fear
within and between communities, characterized by equitable services and opportunities across cultural and ethnic groups.
I112 Inequality I113 Minority incomes
S5 All New Orleanians are able to become involved in community-based initiatives that are working to solve neighbourhood problems
while respecting local needs and values. I114 Non-profit organizations
S6 Citizens trust the accountability and ethical practices of government, and feel comfortable with government's behaviour and
attitude towards corruption. I115 Corruption
S7 More efficient and effective institutions are being built and maintained with minimal bureaucracy and the best use of public
and private resources. I116 Public accountability S8 Community networks and organizations are strong and are gaining greater power over local decision-making. I117 Neighbourhood associations
Figure 12. Citizenship Scores.
Governance is both one of the region’s most problematic local issues as well as a glimmer of hope in recent years. Historically considered one of the country’s most corrupt states, Louisiana still has a high per capita incidence of corruption charges (Simpson, Nowlan, Gradel, Zmuda, Sterrett, & Cantor, 2012). However, residents who attend City Of New Orleans regular meetings rank the municipality highly on accountability (City of New Orleans, 2012). One stakeholder confirmed this recent progress by reflecting that “I think we’re heading in the right direction with our government, but I think that there are still challenges” (Anonymous, personal communication, August 6, 2012).
However, the progress in governance is not paralleled in equity. The region has a continually high poverty rate and a high level of concentrated low-income communities (Plyer & Ortiz, 2011). The region’s middle class is smaller than it has been in past years (Plyer & Ortiz, 2011). This troubling figure is related to the fact that minority residents earn hardly more than half on average what White workers earn, and the region has one of the highest GINI coefficients, which measures economic inequality, of the nation (Plyer & Ortiz, 2011; US Census Bureau, 2011). The engrained inequality in many New Orleans communities was described poignantly by one stakeholder:
“I think that in New Orleans, the most fabulous opulence is on St. Charles, and…you go two blocks in away from St. Charles and you come into the most destitute poverty…And a lot of times kids in New Orleans have to…grow up living in a shanty and riding, walking, being trolleyed past these fabulous mansions, and they don’t know if they’re gonna have a meal”
(Anonymous, personal communication, February 10, 2013).
Although indicators for equity are unacceptable, there is some promise in recent initiatives for neighbourhoods to take greater ownership of community development.
Having always been a culture in which strong family and friendship networks exist, New Orleans has recently seen an upsurge in community-based initiatives to solve local problems. The region in post-Katrina years has had a relatively high level of non-profit organizations working in many locally-driven community development programs and surpassing the rate of nearby cities like Baton Rouge (De Vita, Blackwood, & Roeger, 2012). Additionally, the rise of neighbourhood associations since 2005 has increased citizen participation in local decision-making. One stakeholder explained that
“everybody’s engaged. Everybody knows their neighborhood. Everybody knows their City Councilperson. Everybody wants to be involved in getting the mayor elected. You know, nothing happens around here without all the neighborhood associations”
(Anonymous, personal communication, August 16, 2012). The attendance in neighbourhood associations has risen sharply, but is still relatively low considering the residents that are enrolled in them and do not participate. Overall, however, the citizenship stock reflects mostly challenge, weighted heavily by the ongoing problems with equity and governance issues with corruption.
Safety
Public safety has long been at the top of local priorities. With continuously high levels of violent crime, situated in a vicious circle of socio-economic divides and the rise of gang and criminal networks to replace failing employment opportunities, many communities in the region have become known foremost for their perceived danger. The safety stock considers two requirements that call for both self-perceived safety by community members and an effective criminal justice system.
Table 7. Requirements and Indicators for Safety.
S9 Citizens feel safe in their communities and do not fear being victims of violent or property-related crime.
I118 Violent crime I119 Property crime I120 Perceived safety S10 The New Orleans criminal justice system is effectively fighting crime
and ensuring public safety.
I121 Homicide clearance I122 Police satisfaction
Figure 13. Safety Scores.
The safety stock shows both hope and challenge. The need for communities to perceive greater safety does not bode well, with 21% of residents in a 2012 poll identifying that they felt unsafe in their neighbourhoods (Wilson Perkins Allen Opinion Research, 2012). At the same time, the incidence of violent crime is still one of the highest in the country, although it has dropped since Katrina, and property-related crimes are faring somewhat better (Plyer & Ortiz, 2011). A stakeholder confirmed this by stating that “every neighbourhood has the element of fear” (Anonymous, personal communication, October 19, 2012).
In terms of criminal justice, there is also both success and challenges. The New Orleans Police Department has long been perceived as lacking in capacity to address pervasive criminality and, some contend, fails to ensure a fair administration of law enforcement. One stakeholder confirmed that “the N.O. criminal justice system has been
crippled for decades, and only in recent years has experienced reform” (Anonymous, personal communication, October 19, 2012). This reform is reflected in the somewhat high level of satisfaction with the police department that residents reported in a recent poll (Wilson Perkins Allen Opinion Research, 2012). However, in the area of homicide, for which New Orleans ranks very highly, the police department’s clearance rate is much lower than other cities facing high homicide rates such as Baltimore, MD (Richardson &
Kosa, 2001).