Symbolic capital was described above as encompassing assets that are not financial in form. Despite this, Bourdieu explains how various types of symbolic capital (e.g. competencies, qualifications) can nonetheless be accumulated and exchanged within particular fields enabling the realization of specific forms of power. Moore (2008) elaborates on Bourdieu‟s connection between power, and capital possession and acquisition:
The inequalities associated with cultural capital reflect inequalities in capacities to acquire capital which themselves reflect prior inequalities in the possession of cultural capital. There are two distinctive features that affect the manner in which forms of symbolic capital can be acquired. The first, from the point of view of acquisition, is that they cannot be divorced from the person (they presuppose embodiment), and the second is that they can only be acquired over time (they presuppose duration). (p. 109-110)
The notion that capital is embodied suggests that similar forms of capital do not necessarily have similar „currency‟ in that the bearer of capital influences its value. This is important to consider in relation to identity markers, as both Goffman and Bourdieu argue that people are categorized during social interactions according to these markers. As the relationship between varying markers of identity, particularly those of language, race, and gender is discussed in the following section, it is important to recognize that newcomers may face particular challenges to acquiring and enacting capital given their minority status according to a variety of markers within the host society (e.g. language, race). The participants addressed various forms of symbolic capital, including linguistic, which will be specifically addressed in the following sub-section due to its
particular importance for this research on FMCs. In addition to language
participants. All participants arrived in Canada with post-secondary education but none were working within their field of training. While some acknowledged the need to learn the particularities of specific jobs within Canada, many argued that beginning their education „from scratch‟ was a waste of their time, money and energy. Marie, who worked in the health field within her home country, had broad ranging responsibilities and a diversity of experience. She was negatively
impacted by an error in her credential assessment that limited her opportunities for employment. She explained her frustration that a mistake in paper work restricted her from doing what she was capable of, and given that her profession was regulated, she could not be hired without being accredited in order to
demonstrate her capabilities on the job:
[C]‟est difficile puisque on n‟a pas le même system d‟éducation […]. Par rapport à vos études, alors je ne sais pas exactement où me situer, mais moi je déplore puisque ils ne prennent pas le temps. On peut être compétente, mais on ne sait donc on ne veut pas te mettre sur le terrain pour voir tes capacités, tes compétences, et par rapport aux cours que tu as fais.
[I]t‟s difficult since we don‟t have the same education system [...]. Compared to your studies, so I don‟t know exactly where to situate myself, but I deplore since they don‟t take the time. You can be competent, but they don‟t know so they won‟t put you in the field to see your capacities, your competencies, and as compared to the courses that you took.
The experience of deskilling, especially for those who entered Canada under the skilled worker category, seemed contradictory to the emphasis placed on
successful integration (e.g. focus on productive occupation and contribution). Danielle was particularly critical of the lack of recognition of foreign credentials and work experience within Canada. Using the often cited example of „doctors driving taxis‟, she argued that migrants themselves, and society in general, cannot benefit from migrants‟ skills if these go unrecognized. She went on to critique the vicious cycle experienced by migrants attempting to enter the labour market:
Il y a un problème ici qui est contradictoire, qui contredit ce qu‟il devrait ce faire. L‟expérience, d‟abord tu dis avoir l‟expérience, et
puis avoir un emploi. Et puis l‟emploi, alors que pour avoir cet expérience et pour avoir cet emploi il faut que tu aies des recommandations. Des recommandations des employeurs. Quel employeurs si personne ne veut t‟engager comme travailleur? Il devrait y avoir des emplois pour les, the beginners.
There is a problem here that is contradictory, that contradicts what should be done. The experience, first you say to have experience, and then have a job. And the job, while to get that experience and to get that job you have to have references. References from employers. What employers if no one wants to hire you as a worker? There should be jobs for the, the beginners.
Rose also addressed this issue, explaining that once she learned she would have to begin her education over again, she chose instead to seek employment. Yet this proved difficult for her as she was often asked if she had any „Canadian experience‟ and this „requirement‟ of many employers was an important barrier to her labour force integration. For some, volunteering became a means of
attempting to work toward capital acquisition and a bridge to employment. Rose described how she began volunteering for community organizations upon her arrival in London and this helped her to become better known within the community, which she felt was easier here than in Montreal where the Francophone community was much larger. This also highlights the temporal characteristic of capital acquisition noted above.
Most participants further expressed frustration at not being able to find
employment similar to what they had in their home countries, nor congruent with their skills and education even if in a different field. In addition to the need for economic capital acquired primarily through engagement in productive
employment, which was emphasized by all participants, was the contribution of meaningful work to one‟s identity. The effect of losing this particular form of occupation upon one‟s social and personal identity was especially stressed by two of the male respondents, Khalil and Makane. Khalil discussed his transition from a successful career back home, to a part-time job unrelated to his
employment similar to what he held prior to migration, he had since altered his expectations. He explained that there were not a lot of available opportunities within his profession and while he never imagined himself doing anything else, he had since had to „lower the bar‟ and settle for less. This was further impacted by his language skills, again highlighting the connection between varying forms of capital, as the number of opportunities to work within his field in French was especially limited in Canada, and non-existent within London. When I asked whether he expected to regain the same status he had back home he replied:
J‟aurai aimé mais maintenant, tu sais, quand, quand, t‟arrive, tu as des idées, il y a une réalité en face de toi, tu es obligé d‟adapter tes idées à cette réalité, parce que cette réalité tu ne peux pas la changer. Je ne peux pas changer le Canada pour qu‟on m‟offre le même poste. S‟il n‟y en a pas ici, j‟aurai voulu rester dans la spécialité, dans mon domaine. Mais bon là, il faut un petit peu baisser la barre. Et se dire bon, essayons de trouver quelque choses de respectable.
I would have liked. I would have liked but now, you know, when, when, you arrive, you have ideas, there is a reality before you, you are obligated to adapt your ideas to that reality, because you cannot change that reality. I can‟t change Canada so that I will be offered the same position. If there aren‟t any here, I would have wanted to stay in the specialty, in my field. But well, you have to lower the bar a bit. And tell yourself well, let‟s try to find something respectable.
He stressed that this shift in his approach to employment was not easy for him and occurred over time as his attempts to obtain opportunities in his field were continually unsuccessful. He described how experiencing an abrupt end to a successful 20 year career impacted him, in part because of the loss of „status‟ this shift entailed. This highlights the connection between occupation and social identity. However it was not only the change from his past that bothered him, it was also the uncertainty a lack of meaningful occupation posed for his future. He stated that „idleness is the mother of all vices‟ because it could lead to problems such as alcohol use, and that having nothing to do caused his morale to „fall to zero‟. Despite not being able to recreate his past career in Canada, as illustrated
in the quotation above, he nevertheless sought meaningful and routine occupational engagement to address this transition.
Makane further situated the connection of employment to identity within a
Canadian context. He explained that in an ideal world it would be nice to do what one likes, but that because the world is not ideal, people have to do what is necessary to achieve their goals. Using his own life as an example, he stated that having a mortgage, having children, having brothers and friends, led him to work toward achieving a certain social image and personal financial security. These were described as more important to him than “just doing what you like” (stated in English during the interview and not translated). This also reflected his belief that people are defined in Canada by their jobs:
Qui êtes-vous, quel travail, c‟est des petites, des petites questions, ça mets toute la lumière de qui tu es, ça passe par ça. Si tu veux dire je suis un chômeur ou, je suis un sans-abri, tout de suite, je pense pas que il y a quelqu‟un qui va te prendre à la même hauteur si tu dis, oh je suis un docteur, un infirmier ou je suis un balayeur, tu n‟es pas perçu de la même manière. So l‟intégration c‟est quelque chose qui passe obligatoirement par, par l‟emploi.
Who are you, what job, they‟re little, little questions, it puts all the light of who you are, it passes through that. If you want to say you are on welfare or, I am homeless, right away, I don‟t think there is someone that will take you at the same level if you say, oh I am a doctor, a nurse or I am a cleaner, you are not perceived in the same way. So integration is something that necessarily happens through, through employment.
Makane‟s comments help illustrate that capital is related to one‟s identity, especially according to particular markers. He also gave the example that a university degree in business will do more for a man that is Caucasian than for a man who is not because he argued that the labour market is different for visible minorities. Thus, simply acquiring capital may not be enough to ensure
successful integration for newcomers from visible minority groups. Conversely however, he did feel that while visible minorities may not have equal
where there was a labour shortage) they would be able to find jobs. Indeed, such an approach entails the acquisition of particular forms of capital that are believed to promote integration. Further discussion of race and gender is included in the following section (5.7). Given that the participants were all French-speakers living within an FMC, they all discussed the importance of language. For many, acquiring linguistic capital (i.e. English language skills) was viewed as essential for their integration because it enabled occupations within a number of places where French language skills did not.