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CHAPTER 4 | Conceptualising Transient Migrant Contract Construction Labour

Urbanisation-Construction-Migration Nexus |5 Cities|South Asia Final Report | PO 6425

82 Dr Sunil Kumar and Dr Melissa Fernandez, LSE Commissioned by South Asia Research Hub, New Delhi, India

projects studied. This was particularly problematic in projects, such as Chennai, where significant numbers of women and children were present. The justification for the poor quality of housing and infrastructure was that these conditions did not differ from that which transient migrant contract construction workers were used to, in their places of origin.

Internal rural to urban migrant contract construction workers are ‘transient’ not only in terms of their availability in relation to the agricultural cycle or festivals and the like, but primarily as the tasks that they are employed to undertake are time-bound (Figure 4.16).

FIGURE 4.16 |Deployment of transient migrant contract construction labour to other large-scale construction projects within the same or to other urban areas – as well as the seasonal and circular

migration of this labour.

On completion of a particular task, their labour contractors seek to deploy them to other intra- urban or inter-urban construction sites. Figure 4.15, uses the notation oiM5cCCLscr in the double- headed arrow (5c) to indicate the seasonal, circular and return migration of rural to urban transient migrant contract construction labour.

The UCMnSA also came across respondents who had previously worked with a small number of other labour contractors. It is not clear if the move from one contractor to another took place without the knowledge of the employing labour contractor, or that a network amongst labour contractors enabled the sharing of labour to smooth out the fluctuations in demand and supply. It is likely that labour contractors collaborate in the movement of transient migrant contract construction labour, from one labour contractor to another.

iM4n a ruIL Out Mi g ration oM1rr Contract Labour for Brick K ilns & Quarry ing M2rPUr i M4AruIL iM4a ruIL

PO 6425 | Final Report Urbanisation-Construction-Migration Nexus |5 Cities|South Asia

Commissioned by DFID’s South Asia Research Hub, New Delhi, India Dr Sunil Kumar and Dr Melissa Fernandez, LSE 83 4.4.7 Declining opportunities for transient migrant contract construction labour to settle in the

urban

The early literature on the housing options available to rural-urban migrants paid a lot of attention to ‘squatting’ (for example, Abrams, 1964; Turner, 1968, 1976). By the 1980s, opportunities for

squatting in and around the city centre began to diminish – renting was often the only alternative available to those seeking to live close to places of employment opportunity (for instance, Gilbert, 1983, 1987; Gilbert and Varley, 1990).

FIGURE 4.17 | Opportunities for those transient migrant contract construction labour, who would like to settle in the urban, becoming increasingly difficult.

Opportunities for those transient migrant contract construction workers who may be considering settling in the urban (Figure 4.17) are now far fewer than existed prior the 1990s. In addition to the declining opportunities to occupy land, especially land that in proximity to employment opportunities, due to forced eviction drives (for instance, Roy, 2014; Doshi, 2012; Rahman, 2001),14 forced evictions also reduce the availability of rental housing.

4.4.8 Impact of large-scale construction projects in urban areas on the urban, peri-urban, peri-rural and rural.

The urbanisation of the periphery by large-scale construction, especially residential and industrial, is hard to miss in all the five cities. Relatively less obvious to the untrained eye, is the impact that this large-scale construction is having on livelihoods and the environment in both the urban15 and the rural, including their respective peripheries (Figure 4.18).

Although this is not something that the UCMnSA focused on, it was hard not to notice. The conversion of agricultural land to non-agricultural land does not only give rise to capital ‘accumulation by dispossession’ (Harvey, 2004) but also displaces livelihoods within and outside the urban periphery. For example, between 1972 and 1990 just under a third of agricultural land in the Lahore Metropolitan District of Pakistan had been converted to non-agricultural use; between 1990 and 2010, the total cultivated area in the district had more than halved - from 114,298 to 52, 232 hectares (Khaliq-uz- Zaman and Baloch, 2011). In some instances such as Chennai, a large-scale government relocation

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