Reconstrucción tectónica del BM durante la apertura del GdM

Other

Indonesians Europeans Foreigners

Births Deaths Births Deaths Births Deaths Year No. Rate No. Rate No. Rate No. Rate No. Rate No. Rate

1874 499954 28.3 336748 19.0 6924 32.6 5420 25.5 1875 564274 31 .3 475621 26.4 6815 31.4 6420 29.6 1876 514390 28.3 439326 24.2 6115 28.7 4954 23.2 1877 560633 30.4 374217 20.3 6412 30.5 5579 26.6 1878 571823 30.6 395802 21.2 6269 29.5 4876 22.9 1879 540714 28.6 375519 19.8 6844 31.6 5230 24.1 1880 573687 29.7 499478 25.9 6726 30.6 5282 24.1 1881 578488 29.4 579686 29.4 6601 30.0 6763 30.7 1882 544165 27.3 568634 28.6 2054 46.7 1790 40.7 6731 30.3 6151 27.6 1883 572738 28.4 443512 22.0 2065 44.7 1805 39.0 7647 34.0 7870 35.0 1884 548290 26.7 374000 18.2 2126 44.8 1383 29.1 7829 34.5 5991 26.4 1885 648121 31 .0 398888 19.1 2200 44.1 1489 29.9 8078 34.8 6358 27.4 1886 613319 28.6 349923 16.3 2148 41.6 1332 25.8 9704 40.7 7035 29.5 1887 638796 29.1 322847 14.7 2178 41.3 1145 21.7 8328 34.0 5261 21.5 1888 629374 28.2 337939 15.1 2211 40.4 1579 28.9 7404 30.4 6462 26.6 1889 596003 26.3 415341 18.3 2126 37.2 1490 26.1 8117 32.2 6629 26.3 1890 615877 28.1 443874 20.2 2157 35.4 1433 23.5 8272 32.2 6991 27.2 1891 607404 25.6 540075 22.7 2135 33.6 1788 28.1 8135 31.3 8495 32.6 1892 547172 22.9 563702 23.6 2296 36.0 1404 22.0 8550 32.5 7540 28.7 1893 605979 25.1 448702 18.6 2387 36.8 1486 22.9 8188 30.8 7023 26.4 1894 645763 26.3 435210 17.8 2343 34.9 1192 17.7 8648 32.1 6476 24.1 1895 1587 22.9 1410 20.3

Source: KOLONIAAL VERSLAG, issues for 1875-1896.

Note : The category 'Europeans' includes not only Europeans but also other non Asian foreigners, Indonesians who were classified as Europeans (a very small number), and Indone­ sian Christians who generally made up about a quarter of the base population. The Other Foreigners category includes Chinese, Arabs, and other foreigners, mainly Africans, not classified elsewhere. In fact this category is virtually entirely (95 plus percent) Chinese.

drain on resources and profits. The Cadastral Offices were never extended beyond the seven Residencies where they were originally established and even these were short-lived. The entire program ground to a halt in 1879 when it was replaced by a series of so-called quinquennial population censuses which had the supposed advantage of being carried out entirely through existing civil service channels. Procedures for reporting numbers of vital events reverted to the earlier form, little changed since the original plan laid down by Raffles. A Statistical Service had even been established within the General Secretariat of the government in Batavia, in part to coordinate the Cadastral Survey program. This, in fact a forerunner of a formal central statistical office, also fell by the wayside, being abolished in 1884 (12).

THE QUINQUENNIAL CENSUSES

In 1880 a regulation was issued establishing a series of ’quinquennial population censuses’ which replaced the earlier Cadastral Surveys and which were designed to cover all Dutch controlled areas in the colony (13). These were meant to be inexpensive, being, as noted earlier, carried out entirely through existing civil service channels. However, they were supposed to have more complete geographic coverage than the earlier surveys so that the results could be used on a broad basis for periodic updating of the

(12) This rather blase attitude toward data collection and data processing was maintained until well after the turn of the Century. It was not until the 1920s that a separate central statistical office was again established in the capital.

forced labor or 'gentlemen services' (HEERENDIENSTEN) program. These so-called censuses were carried out at five yearly intervals between

1880 and 1905 (14).

Coverage of these censuses was in fact limited to areas where the Dutch forced labor programs were in effect and which were under Dutch political control. Thus certain areas in Java (notably the Principalities of Surakarta and Yogyakarta) along with vast areas outside Java were excluded, although, for the areas in Java, information on population, births and deaths were still compiled based on the village registers.

Of greater interest here was that the regulation also updated, in a few minor ways, the village registration of vital events. It did this by providing, in more specific terms than before, for the continuous registration of births, deaths, in-migrants and

(14) These were not censuses in the modern sense although there were a number of improvements on the earlier Cadastral Surveys. As with the surveys, the village formed the basic unit of work. However, here provision was specifically made for numbering each 'yard' (residential property) in the village. A form was provided for each yard which included space for the name of the head of household and for the number of persons living there categorized by sex and whether adult or child. Space was also provided for additional information on persons subject to the HEERENDIENSTEN program and for the numbers of livestock held by the household. Responsibility for conducting the censuses in each village rested with a committee made up of the C0NTR0LEUR, the Dutch civil police official at the Regency level, the Indonesian District head (WEDANA), the village headman, and two assistants (KAMITUA) from the village concerned. The censuses were supposed to be conducted by the full committee at a prearranged assembly of all household heads in each village. In practice, it frequently ended up being carried out by the local, village level, officials who had minimal training and with virtually no supervision from above. This system also meant that there was no fixed census date, enumerations being carried out at different times in different villages during the census years. A further problem was that processing was carried out only at the Regency level with only summaries being forwarded to higher levels. This left a wide margin for error with little chance of central control or correction of the results.

out-migrants which, it was presumed, would form a basis for obtaining annual population estimates for the years between the quinquennial counts. Village headmen were provided with a form (MUTATIE REGISTER) for listing the vital events. Columns were provided for the number of the household (yard) and the name of the head of household; then additional columns to indicate the type of event (birth, death. in-migration or out-migration), the sex of the child for births, and the sex and whether adult or child for other types of events. No provision was made for recording the name of the person concerned.

Using this form, village headmen were to forward lists of the events to the WEDANA or to his assistants as part of their regular reports on local affairs. The regulation further required the WEDANA to transmit the lists in his possession on a quarterly basis to the CONTROLEUR who would in turn prepare and forward summaries of the results to the civil service in Batavia (15). Subsequent regulations issued by the various Residencies further reinforced the responsibility of the village headmen for collecting and reporting the data, and of the police a t 'the Regency and District levels as the statutory authority to see that the work was carried out (Sudarjono, 1957: 2).

The system as set up by the 1880 regulation seemed on the surface to add an element of organization that had not previously existed. This was not really the case. It represented more of a cosmetic change than anything else and did virtually nothing to correct the

(15) A brief but useful description of this regulation is contained in a paper by R. Sudarjono (1957). The regulation is also noted in two other papers by Sudarjono (1968 and 1970), and is briefly discussed in Widjojo Nitisastro (1970: 49-59).

underlying problems that had existed throughout the history of village registration.

For one thing, the system was, if anything, even more strongly tied to the perceived economic needs of the colonial administration - the HEERENDIENSTEN program - than in earlier periods and this must have provided a strong incentive to village headmen, where they could get away with it, to falsify reports (16). Thus, Widjojo, in his examination of the census results pointed out the "...widespread low sex ratio... among adults and the corresponding high sex ratio among children." (1970: 52). He suggested that this was both a result of underenumeration of adult males and a tendency to classify girls as adults at a younger age than boys. While this latter factor is also amenable to cultural interpretation, Widjojo suggested that to avoid forced labor, conscious efforts may have been made to keep males classified as children "as long as possible" (Widjojo Nitisastro, 1970: 52). He further cited the work of contemporary writers, notably Bergsma, who pointed out the tendency for established farmers to secretly make off (MINGGAT) from their villages to new areas as a result of economic hardships imposed by the labor schemes (Widjojo Nitisastro, 1970: 51). Evidence of fairly massive population movement does exist, particularly into the South Coast Residencies of East Java (Kediri, Pasoeroean and Besoeki), but, unfortunately, any direct connection with the intensity of forced labor is hard to ascertain

(16) Article IV states in part, "De gegevens, verkregen door de opneming bedoeld bij en I, als door de bijhouding der mutatien, ingevolge en III, dienen tot zamenstelling van den legger der heerendiensten en van de bevolkingsstaten..." In rough translation:

’Information obtained from the counts on population discussed in Article I and on population change mentioned in Article III are to be employed for the purposes of reports on ’heerendiensten’ and population...’

from the available data (17).

In all of this, the registration of births and deaths continued to languish. The provision of forms and reporting procedures apparently did little to alleviate the situation and, even though responsibilities for recording and monitoring the collection of vital statistics were redefined, this generally did not imply any concrete effort to improve the data collection process itself. Given the earlier discussion, this is not altogether unexpected. Vital events, although reported and published, continued to take a much removed second place to those data viewed as more imperative to the orderly operation of the colonial economy.

It is equally doubtful if the shift during the last years of the 19th and early years of the 20th Centuries toward increasing the responsibility of the BURGERLIJKE GENEESKUNDIGE DIENST in the compilation and tabulation of village reports on births and deaths did much to improve the situation (18).

(17) See Widjojo Nitisastro (1970: 55) for a concise discussion of this question.

(18) This was embodied in a series of regulations issued by the colonial government, the most notable in this context being in 1882 and 1911. The 1882 regulation, "Reglement op der Dienst van de Volksgezondheid," Staatsblad 1882, No. 97, formed the basis for the establishment of the Public Health Service (the forerunner of the modern Health Ministry) as part of the central government in Batavia. Among other things, it emphasized (Art. 1, Sec. 2a) the concern of the health inspectors with population statistics, particularly those related to health. A similar concern was expressed in the 1911 regulation of the Civil Medical Service, "Burgerlijke Geneeskundige Dienst: Instructies voor den Hoofdinspecteur, de Inspecteurs en de Adjunct-inspecteurs, Benevens Instructie Nopens de Uitoefening van het Geneeskundige Staatstoezicht door de Gewestelijk Eerstaanwegende Officieren van Gezondheid der Buitenbezitteningen," Bijblaad 7376, January 27, 1911. See Sudarjono (1957: 2-3) and also the paper prepared by the Planning Division (BIRO PERENCANAAN) of the Ministry of Health (Indonesia, Kementerian Kesehatan, n.d.)

It should be noted that the medical service was less concerned with global data on population change and more with medical interests of a pathological and clinical nature. Reports of the service, published annually in KOLONIAAL VERSLAG, dealt mainly with administrative matters, with reports of incidence and trends in epidemic diseases such as cholera, typhus, influenza, and, later, plague, with training of native doctors and health personnel, and with the results of the smallpox vaccination program which the government viewed as a major factor in improving the health conditions of the local population (19). For example, the 1911 regulation (see Footnote 18) required the health inspectors in cooperation with officials of the civil service to compile data on numbers of deaths among the native population, but this continued to be based virtually entirely on unconfirmed village reports (Sudarjono, 1957: 3). In any case, the major reasons for this effort were more related to problems of disease surveillance than to measurement of population dynamics, a situation which became increasingly imperative after 1911 when plague began to take hold on Java. The fact that births and deaths were underreported was recognized (this was a major reason for discontinuing their publication in KOLONIAAL VERSLAG after 1895), but this apparently provided no incentive to improve the situation or to try and investigate in any detail where the deficiencies were or how they came about.

In defence of these officials it can be suggested that in many cases this neglect may have been justified by pressures of work in other areas that were more directly their concern. Many of the health

(19) A view subsequently discounted by other analysts. See, for example, Peper (1970: 80).

inspectors were also physicians who had responsibilities toward their own practice as well as administrative chores (20). In any case, this tended to separate the statistical functions embodied in the 1880 law. What ’legal' concerns there were tended to revolve around the registration of adult males for the HEERENDIENSTEN program. Moving responsibility for concern with data on components of population change to the health side inevitably reduced any ’legal’ connection that may have existed relative to this information in the eyes of the authorities and ultimately, it may be suggested, in the eyes of the village officials responsible for collecting and reporting these data.

PUBLISHED DATA IN THE 19TH CENTURY

Between 1875 and 1895 data on numbers of births and deaths by Residency and based on village registration were published anually in K0L0NIAAL VERSLAG. This supplemented the data on total population which had been published more or less regularly since 1851. Some of the data are given in Tables 2.2 and 2.3. These tables present data for Java and Madoera only. Information was collected and published for areas under Dutch control on other islands but with few exceptions (most notably Sumatra's ’WESTKUST’ which included the area of present day West Sumatra and which was already well into the plantation

(20) To be more precise, the medical service was basically made up of government doctors and health officials (INSPECTEURS) at the national, Residency and Regency levels. Their duties were of both an administrative and medical nature. The medical service also included private physicians who were registered with the service and who provided periodic reports on their activities. See Schoute, "De Geneeskundige in Nederlandsch-Indie Gedurende de Negentiende Eeuw," (Medical practitioners in the Netherlands Indies During the 19th Century), GENEESKUNDIGE TIJDSCHRIFT V00R NEDERLANDSCH-INDIE, LXXIV, 1934.

economy) the reporting of both numbers of events and population was too sporadic and incomplete to be of much interest.

Table 2.3

VILLAGE REGISTRATION OF BIRTHS AND DEATHS IN JAVA AND MADOERA,