Reformular el valor público y la  nanciación de las artes en el marco internacional

Some exploration of the specific historical context and sociological

implications of conversion in Thessalonica will illuminate our understanding of the angst Paul expresses particularly in chapter three. As a crucial first point, we note that their new faith necessitated radical life changes. This life transformation began with re-directed worship, turning toward God and away from their previous focus of worship, pagan idols (1 Thess 1:9). This new worship had ramifications for their whole way of life because religion was deeply integrated within their social world, thus a rejection of pagan worship and practice had definite social ramifications. Todd Still discusses this issue at length, arguing that the θλῖψις exper enced b the

Thessalon ans s best understood as “ ntergroup con l ct between hr st ans and non- hr st ans.”242 John Barclay argues similarly that this θλῖψις s best understood as “social harassment” wh ch ost l kel arose ro the new con erts’ “o ens e abandon ent” o Greco-Roman religion.243 What Paul praised in their turning to God from idols (1:9), families and broader society would deem as insolent, resulting in se ere “soc al d slocat on” wh ch was an ested n a ar et o wa s.244

One example of this social dislocation would likely have been in the realm of pol t cal repercuss ons. Barcla h ghl ghts that “Thessalon ca was dependent on good relations with Rome and would not welcome those whose message questioned the status quo.”245 _{More difficult than repercussions over political concerns, however,}

was the “personal and soc al o ense o hr st an t .”246 Drawing upon a number of earl sources Barcla exposes the “surpr se and resent ent” o non-Christians when their Christian friends converted and “decl ned to take part n nor al soc al and cult c act t es.”247 In support o th s assess ent Meeks notes that the new hr st ans’ ἴδι ι συμφυλέται (2:14) who ha e shown host l t towards the are l kel people who belong to the sa e φυλή or “tr be.”248 _{Betrayal of family would have been another}

242 _{Still, Conflict at Thessalonica, 17. Still argues that the Thessalonian believers were}

perceived as socially exclusive and subversive to family, religion, and government, thus inciting the harassment of the outsiders.

243 _{John M. G. Barcla “ on l ct n Thessalon ca ” CBQ 55 (1993): 512–30; cf. p. 514.} 244 _{Barcla “ on l ct n Thessalon ca ” 514.}

245 _{Barcla “ on l ct n Thessalon ca ” 514; the author o Acts exposes the concern of the}

broader Thessalon an co un t that the hr st ans were act ng “contrar to the decrees o the e peror” n the r alleg ance to “another k ng na ed Jesus” (Acts 17:7-8).

246 _{Barcla “ on l ct n Thessalon ca ” 514.}

247 _{Barcla “ on l ct n Thessalon ca ” 515; Barcla c tes 1 Pet 4:3-4; Tacitus Ann. 15:44.} 248 _{Wa ne A. Meeks “ oc al Funct ons o Apocal pt c Language n Paul ne hr st an t ” n}

Apocalypticism in the Mediterranean World and the Near East, ed. David Hellholm (Tübingen: Mohr

61 consequence for those of a newly formed commitment to the Christian faith as

individuals broke ancestral traditions and neglected familial responsibilities.249 Thus, on every social level—political, communal, and familial—Christians were an offense to those around them. Barclay est ates: “We can ag ne then an espec all sharp reaction in Thessalonica at the appearance of this exclusive sect, a reaction extending perhaps be ond erbal to ph s cal abuse.”250 The exact nature of the affliction is unknown to us, but based on the v gorous express on o concern on Paul’s part we can be sure that it was severe enough to provoke pressure on the Thessalonians to recant their faith in God and his Son Jesus Christ.

In a help ul co par son between Paul’s techn ques and the procedures arious first century philosophers used in shaping new members into their community,

Abraham J. Malherbe comes to similar conclusions as Barclay; the process of

conversion proceeded tentatively as new converts were vulnerable to the pressure they felt by societ . He wr tes: “ on ers on was a d sturb ng exper ence that d d not lead to a placid life in a safe harbor. The radical reorientation demanded by philosophers required social, intellectual, and moral transformation that often resulted in confusion, bewilder ent and so et es de ect on.”251 For example, Epictetus exhorts his followers not to be d stressed b the d shonour the elt ro the r soc et : Οὗτ ί σε ἱ διαλ γισμ ὶ μὴ θλιβέτωσαν· ἄτιμ ς ἐγὼ βιώσ μαι καὶ ὐδεὶς ὐδαμ .252 _Plutarch

likewise addresses the possibility that his new converts might be disheartened by their new way of life.253 At times the social pressure was so great that the converts were at risk of renouncing philosophy altogether.254 Philo, as a closer contemporary to Paul, expresses similar apprehension for new converts who have left everything from their former life behind.255 After presenting many such examples, Malherbe concludes: “Paul’s con erts apparentl exper enced the sa e d stress and anx et at and a ter the r con ers on that con erts to other groups exper enced.”256

249 _{Barclay cites: 1 Pet 3:1-6; 1 Cor 7:12-16; Tertullian Apol. 3.4; Justin 2 Apol. 2; Philo Spec.}

1.51-53; 4:178.

250 _{Barcla “ on l ct n Thessalon ca ” 515.}

251 _{Abraham J. Malherbe, Paul and the Thessalonians (Philadelphia: Fortress Press, 1987),}

36–37, 45.

252 _{Epictetus, Enchiridion, 24.}

253 _{Plutarch, On Listening to Lectures, 46E-47B.} 254 _{Plutarch, Progress in Virtue, 78A-C.}

255 _{Philo, Special Laws, 1.52; On Dreams, 2.273.} 256 _{Malherbe, Paul and the Thessalonians, 46.}

62 Having established the social context in regards to the afflictions the

Thessalonians were suffering, we better understand the burden Paul feels in regards to the Thessalon ans’ a th. H s uneas ness s d rectl related to the degree to wh ch h s converts show resolve in the face of such radical reorientation and social harassment. Thus, Paul is forthcoming regarding his goal to fortify continually the Thessalonians in their faith, eliminating weaknesses that might cause them to succumb to social pressures to recant their devotion to Christ or return to any previous familial, religious, or political commitments.

As a helpful theoretical comparison, we might apply the sociological concept of symbolic capital as a metaphor for the Pauline conception of faith. Although the idea is grounded in theories first developed by Thorstein Veblen and Marcel

Mauss,257 the phrase “s bol c cap tal” was co ned and the dea de eloped b French social anthropologist Pierre Bourdieu.258 According to this theory, what an individual or community deems to have worth or value is determined not solely from a financial perspective. Rather, symbolic capital refers to any property (whether physical,

economic, cultural, or social) that is perceived by social agents to have value.259 For example, the concept of honour is a typical form of symbolic capital in Mediterranean societies. Honour exists as symbolic capital when it is represented by a shared set of beliefs that perceive certain patterns of conduct as honourable or dishonourable.260

Symbolic capital can be more narrowly conceived in terms of social capital theory in which the core idea is that social networks have value.261 In view of our discussion regarding the social harassment experienced by the Thessalonian

Christians, we can perceive their newfound faith in God as the symbolic capital that replaced their previous system of worth established by the pagan society around them. Pre ous alleg ances and relat onsh ps would ha e pro ded the Thessalon ans’ sense of social capital, but their value is now in Christ alone. Thus they can withstand

257 _{Cf. especially Thorstein Veblen, The Theory of the Leisure Class, ed. Martha Banta}

(Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2009); Marcel Mauss, Techniques, Technology, and Civilisation, ed. Nathan Schlanger (New York: Durkheim Press/Berghahn Books, 2006).

258 _{Cf. Pierre Bourdieu, Language and Symbolic Power (ed. John B. Thompson; trans. Gino}

Raymond and Matthew Adamson; Cambridge: Polity Press, 1991) 231; Pierre Bourdieu, Practical

Reason: On the Theory of Action (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1998), 47–52; Pierre Bourdieu, The Logic of Practice (trans. Richard Nice; Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1990), 112–121.

259 _{Pierre Bourdieu, Practical Reason: On the Theory of Action (Cambridge: Polity Press,}

1998), 47.

260 _{Bourdieu, Practical Reason, 47.}

261 _{Robert D. Putnam, Bowling Alone: The Collapse and Revival of American Community}

63 persecution, harassment, and social dislocation because they now depend upon a system of worth found only in Christ. What others think or say about the

Thessalonians has no sway over them now because this previous symbolic capital has been replaced by their faith in Christ.

This context explains the concern Paul expresses that these converts not be d sturbed b the r a l ct ons. Paul’s des re s that the be strengthened n th s a th that has reshaped their whole system of value. They have realigned themselves with Christ, and thus, in contrast to a society that finds its worth in social connections, the Thessalonians now find their complete worth in their new Lord. In this faith, they are empowered to resist any temptation to turn back to their former way of life. Our understanding of faith is coming into clearer focus as we see that it involves the ability to discount what others think, replacing previous social capital with the matchless worth of Christ.