Relaciones entre la cantidad de precipitación en el perfil vertical con el

4.3.1. Mesoamerica Homogeneity

Vernier considers five regions to be particularly representative of the Mesoamerican area: Central Mexico, the “Occident”, the south of Veracruz and the highlands and the lowlands. Throughout his PhD thesis, he proves that cultural homogeneity was present in this part of the world and that Mesoamericans shared a common perception of music. Vernier’s conclusion is based on 788 instruments either found in archaeological digs or musicological studies (2006:

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84-85). He categorised the different instruments under their classical European nomenclature and determined three main groups; the idiophonescomposed of languet’s drums, turtle shells, bells, rattles, cowbells and scrapers (2006: 64), the aerophones incorporating simple and double drums, and finally the membraphonesthat consist of flutes, whistles, horns and conch shells (2006: 49). Among the 788 instruments analysed by Vernier, 58% of them belong to the first category and are present in considerable quantity (2006: 67,89).

This allowed for regional and local comparisons. More specifically, when considering the Classic period in its entirety, Vernier expressed that the highest symmetry can be found between Central Mexico, the Maya lowlands and highlands (2006: 85). Although the same exercise was harder to effectuate for the Ancient Postclassic era, pieces of evidence point to an augmentation in disparities between the sub-mentioned regions. Despite this, Mesoamerican idiophones were still found in similar contexts throughout Mesoamerica and were seemingly used by the same social class (2006: 85).

Furthermore, by considering the Postclassic era in its entirety, Vernier has drawn more similarities; among his observations, he noted that the Occident, Central Mexico and the lowlands shared the most similarities (Vernier 2006: 23). He expressed that Classic Mayas have seemingly used every type of Mesoamerican instruments and give an excellent illustration of their Postclassic uses. Based on this argumentation, he concluded that Classic Mayas had transmitted their musical knowledge to Mexico; causing an overall transmission to substantial parts of Mesoamerica (Vernier 2006: 86). What we can infer, from the information laid down above, is that both the role and type of instruments were fairly uniform throughout Mesoamerica. This will allow for regional comparisons on the use of bells. Several similarities shared between these societies might prove insightful to this discussion50, but I will still maintain my focus on Mayas themselves.

The appearance of copper bells seems sudden and difficult to explain since most instruments used during the Postclassic emerged from the Classic Maya culture. Therefore, from this perceived homogeneity emerges a question;

50 _{On a side note, this cohesion should not prevent a researcher from studying local disparities or}

57 Did bells exist in clay prior to be in metal? Or in any other material?

There is currently no definitive answer to this question as no instance have been found with certainty. Simon Vernier has found occurrences of ceramics bells (2006: 68). However, due to the research angle adopted by the author, the exact location of the founding was not specified. This, therefore, complicates the identification of those bells and does not allow us to determine the civilization from where they are. Nowadays, dancers attach ceramic bells at their ankles, but their adoption could either be the fruit of a long Maya tradition or the process of acculturation. Amy E. Benton (2010: 26) affirms that clay bells have been found in a Late Classic context in Aguateca, a site situated in the southern part of the Petexbatun region in the department of El Petén, Guatemala. It was placed in a daily context where both men and women were authorised to play. Her excavation report was not accessible, and no other instance was found. I, therefore, believe that there is not enough to determine with certitude the presence of ceramic bells in the Maya region.

The second point is equally as hard to address; Maya bells made from dried fruit, similarly to what Stevenson (1964: 40 in Rice Conklin 1995: 24) has proclaimed for the Aztecs, have yet to be discovered51. Being made of perishable material, their conservation is extremely rare. In any case, if their existence comes to be proven, dried fruit bells likely functioned as parures since they could not produce any sound. They, consequently, would not be considered in our discussion.

To conclude, due to the lack of concrete evidence, copper bells will be considered as having appeared relatively late in Maya history. Still, by shedding new light on those instruments, I hope that future research or excavations will be able to determine the possible existence of ceramic bells before their copper counterparts.

4.3.2. Postconquest and Contemporary usage of bells in dances and plays:

Lastly, before discussing the information laid down so far, two plays, where the presence of bronze bells is attested, will be debated.

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Finding bells made of this material in various Mesoamerican regions would further support the theory of Mesoamerican homogeneity suggested by Vernier.

A brief description and the overall structure of the narrative will be presented, before indicating the main occurrences of bells and attempting to determine their function.

The Rab’inal Achi

The first written information about it was recorded in the 1860s (Howell 2004: 129). The play opens with the entrance of a K’iche’ warrior at the Rabinal citadel of Kaqyuq. There, he threatens his peers but is captured by a warrior-prince. The two of them briefly discuss, and the troublemaker is then brought before the Rabinal king. There, the warrior is accused of betraying the K’iche and Rabinal alliance. He tries to defend himself by pointing out his many exploits. The memories of the warrior move the king, who remembers that he once wanted to marry his daughter to the very man he is about to sentence to death. As he is obliged to follow the rules of his community, the king decides to sacrifice his prisoner but grants him several last requests. Among those, he allowed his prisoner to visit his birthplace and to dance with the Rabinal princess, the woman to whom he was promised. The K’iche warrior then engages in a mock battle and is sacrificed at the end of it (Howell 2004: 123). The entire play can not be summarised but a specific part of it has retained our attention. To start the mock battle;

‘The king held his hand in the air. Through this action, the bells attached to its writs shocked against each other and the battle began.’

This passage supports the testimony left by the conquistadores and strengthens an apparent link between war and bells. Bells were also jingled at other occasions, both at determined and random timing. Among the specific moments, Howell noticed that bells were used to punctuate specific lines and in music pieces at the conclusion of altos. Those altos are used to separate the spoken parts of the play and cues the war cries of the warriors (2004: 219). There is no other indication of bells used as instruments.

The « Baile de los Moros y Cristianos Procession »

This play, written in Spanish in 1964 by Jose Angel Octgin, recalls the history of the Reconquista as a mean of Christianisation. A cast of actor-dancers performed a thirty minutes-scene in Copan where they played six Moors and six Christians. The capstone of the dance is the choreography of a sword battle between the Moors and the Christians who

59 eventually reunite and perform a final group dance. In several scenes, the twelve actors are split into smaller groups and start dancing in duos or trios in typical Pre-Columbian fashion52 (1993:39).

However, as this performance derived from a famous European play, many elements resemble the “Moorish dances”, which were according to Sachs (1937:333) among the most frequent European dances in the fifteenth century. They were played throughout Europe and records of it can be found in France, Italy, Spain. Yet, the actors carrying a sword with a bell attached at their hilt is among the specificities of this Maya performance and does not derive from the Moorish dances53 (Howell 2004: 251).

Those bells had various uses and played an integral part in the performance. They were activated by the actors moving the swords up and down in quick strokes54. These strokes signed the beginnings and endings of speeches and dances, similarly to the Rab’inal Achi play. Bells were also rung at specific moments, but according to Howell, their sound did not always match the rhythm of the scene (Howell 2004: 251).

Finally, in case of mistake or uncertainty from an actor, one of his peers would shake his bell to stop the musicians and settle the issue (Howell 2004: 191).

These two performances are part of the sword dance category, a style highly appreciated in Medieval Europe (Looper 2009: 208). This type of sword dances is part of the Patzark, itself derivative of the Iberian Corpus Christi, where bells were worn as ornaments along with crowns. They were integral to the costume worn by jokers in the Middle Ages who regulated the pace of a dance by series of foot strikes. Jokers often partly improvised their performances, and these strikes may have helped to pace the play.

Returning to the Maya plays, bells currently play a more structuring role rather than holding musical significance. They regulate the format and duration of a scene while occasionally stopping performers in case of an error committed by the troupe. Scholars agree that Maya plays can be defined by their looseness. For instance, Howell noticed that none of the plays, he assisted to, followed the script phrase by phrase and that many quotes were improvised

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They replicated the circular-dance visible in the Codex Borgia.

53_{Another difference is the monumentality of the masks worn by the actors.} 54 Thereby recalling the hunting dances.

(Howell 2004: 256). Therefore, the need for a discreet structural element may have been felt by the performers. A similar trend for their music was also noticed with many “malleable aspects within the accompaniment music, as seen in structural components like adjustable rhythmic patterns, flexible son order, and free interpretation” (Howell 2004: 256).

The plays discussed have both emerged in the historic time. The adoption of bells to solve the issues that emerged from improvisation might originate from Europe. Bells may have never been profoundly incorporated in Postclassic Maya performances55. However, bells which were seemingly associated with warfare kept their symbolism and may have held a double significance as a war starter and a structural element. As explained by Wright and Lessos, “bodily posture and gesture function” are iconic signs (2018: 371). The consistent connection between jingling the bells attached to a noble’s wrist and the launching a war throughout centuries is more indicative of local continuity than a European addition.