Each of the chapters in this thesis begins with an ethnographic vignette. All the events described in these vignettes - with the exception of that in the second chapter - take place in one of Lebanon’s stadiums. The theatrical performance of both sports and politics in the space of a stadium paves the way for my analysis of underlying sets of social structures and dynamics. Such events also serve to reaffirm the importance of the performative in the workings of clientelism (Auyero 2000). While most of these vignettes are based on field notes and direct observations made during fieldwork in Lebanon between 2007 and 2009, in some instances, the ethnographic accounts are compositions which assemble material derived from the recollections of research participants, biographies, and both written and televised media accounts. This compositional tactic has been necessary because the thesis covers a historical timeframe that extends beyond the period of fieldwork. I have clearly indicated the sections where ethnographic accounts have been thus constructed rather than observed first-hand. I trust that these offer helpful perspectives of the events described because most of them deal with a relatively recent period which was well documented in the media. Each vignette is followed by a short introduction summarising the key themes presented in the subsequent ethnographic sections.
Chapter One briefly introduces the research questions and research community. It outlines the data collection methods used, and grounds the discussion within sports literature as well as in relation to anthropological literature dealing with clientelism and elites. I explain that the thesis builds on and seeks to contribute to a growing anthropological literature concerning elites, and I describe how the thesis explores in particular the relationship between political elites and their constituencies. Taking account of an extensive body of research which has explored political clientelism in Lebanon, the thesis also makes use of a relatively recent line of research in anthropology inspired by Bourdieu (Rutten 2007;
Auyero et al. 2009). These sources propose that clientelism encompasses instrumental dimensions of material and political exchange, as well as a symbolic dimension. The latter involves a ‘clientelist habitus’, or system of dispositions which guides or dictates the socio-political behaviours of individuals: both elite members and the masses contribute to the formation of this habitus.
Chapter One further argues for the study of the political as seen through the sports scene given this context’s utility as a space for the formation, manifestation or ‘spectacularisation’
of various social, spatial, and political identities, especially oppositional ones. It shows the many ways in which Nejmeh was distinct in escaping compartmentalised sectarian identity.
The chapter explains how through a serendipitous convergence of political events, demographic changes and exceptional leadership, Nejmeh managed to gather around it a large and diverse body of fans which enabled it to triumph over internal sectarian divisions.
In so doing it contested the logic of politico-sectarian allotment that governed the Lebanese sports scene. The club’s history, and more importantly, negotiations
accompanying the change in its patronage into the hands of the Hariri establishment in the year 2003, provided a unique and rich record of how patronage is perceived and appraised.
Chapter Two discusses my field work experience and reflects on how my positionality influenced the research I conducted. I discuss the choice of research topic and explain how my ‘insider’ status firstly affected my motivation to implement research in Beirut and secondly how it shaped the questions I raised. I then describe the fieldwork experience itself; a highly emotive, sensory and memory-laden engagement. I end the chapter with a reflection on the epistemological contribution my research makes to the literature
concerning a region and a field which continue to suffer from the effects of an orientalist gaze.
Through a narration of the history of Nejmeh in the third chapter, I introduce the social, demographic, and political context in the city of Beirut. I trace the historical development of an ambivalent relationship between Beirut and its suburbs showing how this has fed into the current political crisis in Lebanon and into a parallel schism within the club which is split along sectarian, political and spatial lines. The club’s own development mirrors the evolving political sentiments of Beirut’s residents, starting with anti-colonial nationalism in the 1940s, through the rise of Arab nationalist and leftist parties, the Palestinian resistance movement, and later Shiite political bodies. Nejmeh’s evolution highlights the complexities of inclusion and exclusion amid historical and politically driven claims of rootedness in the
city and representations of the immigrants from the rural communities as intruders on urban living. Nejmeh, which for decades was an inclusive space for members of several religious communities of Lebanon and had striven to be a club for ‘the whole of Lebanon’, was at a crucial turning point in the years 3006 -2006 which for many fans was a time of rupture which split club fandom and membership and confined the club within one political leader’s faction.
Chapters Four to Seven present both accounts and analysis of ethnographic research implemented with Nejmeh members and fans. The chapters follow a rough chronology of events which took place in the club since 1990 in the post civil war period. The same chapters also go down the hierarchy of the clientelistic relations woven around the Hariri Establishment, starting with the patronage or the top rank of the elite, moving to discuss the position of the bourgeoisie and then the clients or member of the lower class.
In Chapter Four, I describe the transition of the club into the patronage of the Hariri Establishment and I show the economic and social conditions of the late 1990s and the early twenty-first century which necessitated such a transition. I present what I call the
‘Hariri model’; large scale performative use of wealth in politics, business, and philanthropy which have continued to characterise the leadership style of Lebanon's post war
entrepreneurial elite. The model weds neoliberal economic policies and the myth of the ability to make dreams a reality with the long established clientelistic and sectarian
networks. Together these work to establish the emergent leader's constituency and support base and to produce what Baumann calls a 'super za’im' (2012a). The chapter reveals how Hariri emerged as the only possible candidate who could ensure the viability of the club as its management struggled with the demands posed by increasing commercialisation of sports and the dwindling of economic resources.
Chapter Five moves away from examination of the club's patrons and focuses on the next tier down in the hierarchy, the management which consists predominantly of members of Beirut’s bourgeoisie. I trace the difference in both the power and the attitude of board members in the pre and post Hariri periods before briefly presenting two contrasting models of club presidents. The pre-Hariri model of board members who I call the 'charitable industrialists' belonged to the industrial bourgeoisie and I argue that they
exhibited relative independence from the political and financial patronage of the za’im. The second model, present under Hariri patronage, is that of the 'professional entrepreneur'
who is at the service of the za’im and dependent on him for both club funding and access to lucrative business opportunities.
In the following two chapters I look at the relationship between the Hariri establishment and their constituency at the popular level. In Chapter Six I explore both the practice and the understanding of elections and the functioning of the tools and structures of
‘democracy’. Tracing the voting process for electing board members within the club, as well as the national parliamentary elections, I argue that far from being tools to ensure
democratic representation, elections are instruments for elite consolidation. I show how the 2009 parliamentary elections were used to consolidate clientelistic ties through the
provision of one-off opportunities for the disbursement of money by the patrons. I suggest that the distribution of funds also strengthened the clientelist habitus by creating affective and performative bonds that tied Hariri to his constituency. I argue that the elite benefited from a fantasy of the state constructed around the neoliberal ideology of ‘the good life’ and the bureaucratic performance of democratic elections. In parallel, the two elections which took place in the club during the ‘Hariri Era’ also rhetorically adhered to official bureaucratic democratic systems, which were effectively used to ensure the Hariri establishment’s complete control over the club.
In Chapter Seven I discuss in more depth the incongruity which existed between the rhetoric of state institutions and the real life prevalence of corruption. Against the
backdrop of escalating violence in Beirut, the chapter explores the rhetorical and symbolic aspects of the vocal (and at times violent) performance of loyalty by football fans within Nejmeh as well as the role played by strong-arm men in their support of the Hariri
Establishment. I highlight the duality of the Hariri Establishment’s approach of adopting a discourse which publicly rejected sectarianism and violence whilst relying heavily on armed men who worked under the guise of being legitimate employees of a private security firm.
The result of this duplicity was rupture along sectarian lines within both the club and the city.
I conclude the thesis by summarising the ways in which apparently contradictory practices and rhetoric hold within them the inherent potential to sustain a seemingly fickle political system. Against the backdrop of a dystopic sports and political scene in Lebanon, I highlight the key transformation in the relationship between political elites and their constituencies brought forward by the emergence of the new model of entrepreneurial elite. I summarise ways in which the consolidation of power, facilitated by the spectacular
use of wealth in politics, and promises of a better future has reshaped the clientelistic hierarchies in the post-war period. I end by presenting some prospects for further related research.