With nearly half the population unemployed at the time of the fieldwork, many of my informants were seeking alternative sources for professional and social support. With the help of women-centered organizations such as Medica and Nahla, women gained access to professional training that was often free or available for a nominal fee. In some cases they had a chance to learn a new trade. Professional development of women was achieved by offering classes such as computer literacy and foreign languages. The majority of the women I interviewed (40 out of 50) had some university level education and training, suggesting that post-secondary educational background was not enough to secure a job. In particular, women of the older generation (born before 1975), had an especially difficult time, since during the communist period they got used to being able to secure a good job with just a high school diploma. Within the new market-economy, however, a high school degree was no longer enough to secure a position. Many women earned their living as temporary workers or na crnom (gray economy) i.e., illegally at privately-owned businesses (kod privatnika), which was a highly insecure form of income as the employer could choose
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not to pay workers; further people were employed without any social benefits such as medical insurance or pension. Two of my informants (Selma and Mersija) occasionally worked as housekeepers for wealthier women, jobs that were irregular and offered no benefits beyond cash in hand after they completed their work. Additionally, as many women became primary providers due to loss of their husbands, fathers and sons during the war, temporary employment didn’t allow for the financial security they enjoyed in the pre-war period. Therefore, NGOs were unquestionably important because they allowed my informants a space where they could feel like they were accepted and valued. In this way, NGOs provided my informants with a sense of belonging and usefulness they did not otherwise feel. For many women of the older generation (those who worked in the
communist system) having a job and being a participating member of the workforce was an important way in which they understood themselves and who they were.
Both Nahla and Medica Zenica provided women with vocational and professional training that attempted to enable women’s economic empowerment and survival. At Nahla, women were coming for a wide range of courses that helped them gain skills needed in a new economic system. The most common way for a woman, or a man, to get a job in Bosnia was, and remains through a personal network or a connection usually secured by cash bribe or other tangible goods, and only occasionally by one’s merits and skills. Many young women who did not have social connections or the skills that could ensure entry- level employment were left without the ability to support themselves. Furthermore, with the changes in hiring practices and skills required to work in the new economy, many older women were excluded from the workforce due to their lack of technical knowledge. Nahla
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addressed these problems by providing women with courses in computer and internet literacy, public presentations (such as use of powerpoint), and other western business practices. Through these courses, which provided certificates of completion, Nahla attempted to provide its members with leverage in the job market. This was Nahla’s attempt to alleviate the discrepancy between men and women in hiring practices by giving women the skills they need to compete. However, unofficial look at local news papers where positions are advertized indicates that many positions did not always favor men and also reveals lower paid and lower status jobs specifically aimed at women.
In addition to professional development, Nahla initiated a number of different courses that dealt with the personal needs of contemporary women in Bosnia, including parenting courses, marriage courses, creative and art courses, as well as physical well-being (as exemplified by numerous fitness courses). As Devla pointed out after one of our School of Islam classes:
I never have to leave Nahla, everything I need is right here under one roof.
For Devla that meant being able to take foreign language classes and having an opportunity to add skills to those provided by her college degree. On the other hand, for Adila, Nahla was a space where she could add to her resume as she was searching for a job. Already in her late thirties, Adila was struggling to find a job despite having a college degree. This is why she came to Nahla, to gain additional skills that would aid her in her job search. When asked about her current employment status, Adila responded:
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No, I am looking. That’s why I’m here learning how to use computers. I started a month ago and it will go through the end of the summer. I also need to take some language classes.
For single and unemployed Adila, knowing a foreign language was particularly important as many professional positions required knowledge of at least one foreign language. However, it was not uncommon for many of my informants to speak two foreign languages. For Adila learning English was the skill that could help her secure a position. In this way Nahla
provided Adila with the competitive edge, as well as a sense of agency and empowerment. Coming to a women-centered religious organization like Nahla also gave Adila a chance to learn about Islam and reconnect with her religious background. Many of my informants expressed the desire to at least know something about the religion for which they were persecuted. For many young informants of moja generacija (born between 1975 and 1990) it became important to find faith as they faced mass unemployment, official corruption, and what they deem as the “immoral behavior” practiced by many young people (e.g., dancing in a sexually seductive manner, drinking alcohol, and most notably pre-martial intercourse). The injustice veiled women experienced in class as visibly pious Muslims (at the University and in high school) or at work, and in social situations, led many of them to seek “greater meaning” in their lives. This meaning came through the avoidance of situations in which young people “drink, smoke, and have sex”. Avoidance of these situations was in part due to their upbringing. While many of these young women may not have grown up in religious households, the traditions of female chastity and women’s
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traditional household and childcare duties were still an important expectation, particularly within tradicionalna Muslimanska kuća.6
Twenty-year old student Ajla claimed that Nahla was essential in helping her make the spiritual journey towards living in Islam [živjeti u Islamu]. She claimed that classes at Nahla gave her the knowledge of her rights as a woman in Islam, and more particularly as a Muslim woman.
I got knowledge that I can take further. I am always learning something new. Not only in terms of religion, but also about life. I think the school of Islam is not only about religious life, but also about worldly life, about here and now. Clearly, for women who attended Nahla it was about more than just gaining skills in a competitive new market, but also finding a space where they could do so without feeling judged for not already possessing such skills. For many women who were over 30,
computer use was a relatively new practice, and a large number of women in their early to mid-30s attended computer literacy classes at Nahla. Through Nahla, many of the women who felt disempowered by the new competitive market economy where technology and knowledge of foreign language (most commonly English) have found women centers like Nahla essential in developing a more competitive edge.
In particular, many of the religiously oriented women, especially those that wore the hijab, have experienced discrimination and lack of opportunity outside of the walls of Nahla. With the help of staff and instructors at Nahla, many gained skills that have helped them succeed professionally. In addition, the networks established at Nahla, in several instances helped women locate jobs and thus establish economic independence. As Nahla’s
6
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programming expanded and their membership grew, several of my acquaintances became employed at the center. One such informant, Belkisa, went on to work as a legal consultant for Nahla, where she remains to the present day.
At Medica Zenica only few classes were offered to help women develop professional skills. One such class was the sewing and seamstress courses. The staff and leadership at Medica Zenica felt that sewing was a transferable and teachable skill that would be precisely the type of professional knowledge that would help empower women
economically. Thus, dozens of young women have gone through its seamstress program that secured them basic, but income producing positions, both in private and public sector. Medica’s report for 2010 indicates it trains women in:
hairstyling, tailoring/sewing, and upholstering. The training cycle lasts for 6 months of practical work. Upon finished training the trainees take a final exam and upon passing the exam they receive a certificate from the Employment office of Zenica about the skill acquired. The certificate is validated and recorded in the person's work card. [Medica Zenica 2012]
This kind of training has been completed by 777 women and girls since Medica opened its doors in 1993. In 2010 alone 22 women were trained at Medica and 45 in rural
communities outside Zenica. Medica’s focus on economic empowerment, particularly the trades, made it a pioneer among Bosnia’s NGOs in providing women with sustainable and transferable skills beyond the center. Medica’s success in economic empowerment was an example of a successful technique used by hundreds of NGOs around the world.
These are only few of the ways in which women centered organizations help women empower themselves socially and economically. However, only few of the women I
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earn a steady living of the skills they gain at these types of trainings. Gaining skills that help them develop professionally has made these women active agents in the building of
Bosnia’s civil society. However, what was as important was that these NGOs provided women with a sense of self-worth and value. Without these organizations many of my informants felt like they did not have a purpose. Thus, participation in these organizations gave my informants a sense of worth essential in helping them feel empowered to tackle the struggles at home and in their search for economic stability. Women I interviewed have been empowered by the support networks gained at these organizations (and presumably at others that were not investigated in this study). Through their work in courts of law (Hajra and Biba), at human rights commissions (Hajra, Jasmina and Biba), and local
government many of my informants became active agents in bringing change to the political sphere of Bosnia’s society. Undeniably, the services and projects provided by these non- governmental organizations were empowering because they placed women at the center of their mission, a goal that has been missing from governmental, municipal and city officials’ goals. Finally, if agency means “autonomy of action, responsibility and self-definition” (Torab 1996: 238) then the women at Nahla and Medica had agency in their own lives. Medica and Nahla demonstrate how agency can be cultivated and different ways in which women can be empowered as well as empower themselves.