La representación de la cultura española en las películas

Sufi resurgence in contemporary Indonesia cannot be understood simply as a religious phenomenon. It is closely related to the considerable improvement of living standards of the Muslim population in Indonesia. Economic development has given rise to a new Muslim middle-class with a cosmopolitan lifestyle characterised by unabashed consumerism (Fealy and White 2008a, Hasan 2009, 229-250). Economic development also facilitates the marketisation and commodification of various Islamic products, while education improves literacy and comprehension of Islamic symbols. Religiosity is increasingly dictated by considerations such as pleasure and fun to meet post-material needs. A combining factor of high educational background and wealthy status thus lead people to approach religion in the same way as they do with consumer goods. As people nowadays understand and practice it, religion is definitely not a consumer product, but a consumer culture with contemporary capitalist influences (Hiariej 2009, Rudnyckyj 2009). Under this general improvement of economic condition and market liberalisation that followed, popularity of both Sufi falsafi and Sufi amali among urban Muslims marks adaptability of Sufism to meet changing the religious needs of modern people.

Moreover, nowadays, Islamic propagation no longer relies on direct contact; instead, modern media outlets and elaborate marketing strategy will determine the success or failure of religious propagation. Good packaging and intrinsic high quality of the product are a must for a successful propagating mission to reach the hearts and minds of Indonesian Muslims. In an economic sense, Sufi religiosity is thus a matter of consumeristic desire expressed in different sites of consumption:

Islamic books, Islamic healing, mosque and praying house, art and music, fashion, and travelling and tourism. It is through them that Indonesian Muslims satisfy and express their newly found religiosity. Altogether they have facilitated the dissemination of Naqshbandi-Haqqani in Indonesia from the late 1990s.

3.3.1 Islamic Books

Sufism has been known through Islamic books that are currently available and easily accessible in bookstores throughout Indonesia. Islamic books are currently very popular as they satisfy consumers’ desire for religious products as well as offering practical solutions to, advice and guidance on problems in daily life. Practical solutions range from reciting certain surah of the Quran, performing dzikir, formulae of daily prayers, to other supererogatory rituals (amalan sunnah). Sufi self-help books often contain popular psychological topics, Islamic healing methods (thibbun nabawi) and healthy foods.

For instance, the popular psychological topics commonly identify the source of all human problems as the tendency to follow ego (nafs). Preoccupation with ego (nafs) gives rise to arrogance, greed, hypocrisy, stinginess, and excessive love of the world (hubuddunya) that eventually leads to psychological and physical problems. To achieve real inner peace, Sufi self-help books prescribe initiating every action with a good intention by reciting bismillah (in the name of God), maintaining silent dzikir in every breath one take and reciting istighfar (to ask for forgiveness) for any mistakes or sins. The purpose of this method is to change an individual’s mindset and behavior so that every action becomes a meaningful

expression of total devotion. Fighting the demands of the ego, therefore, is in fact an umbrella topic in most of Naqshbandi-Haqqani’s self-help books.

Self-help advice also touches upon other practical matters such as healing and halal food recipes. In Terapi Alamiah –a book translated and published by Yayasan Haqqani Indonesia in 2008– Sheikh Nazim identified more than 100 different health problems/diseases that could be cured through natural or herbal treatments. Self-help book puts great emphasis on how to provide food properly in accordance to shariah prescriptions. These books, as suggested by Reynolds, do not only deal with the legal aspect of food but also integrate dietary habits “into the whole daily-life of the disciples which must be a nourishing routine of spiritual training” (2000, 198). For instance, in Secrets of Heavenly Food and Heavenly Foods, two self-help books written by Sheikh Nazim’s wife and are popular among the disciples of Naqshbandi-Haqqani in Jakarta, deals with cooking guide, dietary habits, and Islamic foods. These kinds of book not only prescribe food menus but also good etiquette or adab by advising reader to recite basmallah while preparing to serve foods.

Smoking is another important health issue that Sufi books of the self-help genre deal with. In No Smoking: Merokok Akar Semua Masalah for example, Sheikh Nazim said that smoking leads people astray. He relates smoking habit to people’s inability to control their own ego; therefore he strongly discourages smoking, quoting his master’s narrative that identifies tobacco as the devil’s tree which is not worth touching, let alone consuming. In the book, Sheikh Nazim rhetorically said that,

“Smoking for a believer is something like letting a small hole to be used by a thief. While you have already closed all doors for committing big sin, it would be meaningless so long as you let the small door remain open…”

Furthermore, Sufi books attract a large number of readers because they are entertaining, using as illustrations stories of extraordinary piety, wisdom, asceticism, miracles, humor, and even satire which are absent in the standard fiqh- oriented Islamic books. Sufi books telling stories of angels, demons, the miracles of the Prophet and great saints, paradise, hell, the after-life, and death mystery have become a source of leisure and entertainment.

Islamic books on spiritual healing are also instrumental in introducing Sufism to Indonesian Muslims. It refers to a method of healing that puts emphasis on the strength of prayer and ritual for curing physical health problems.74 Muhammad Salahuddin’s book, entitled ‘Mystic Healing: Panduan Praktis Menjadi Penyembuh dengan Pendekatan Spiritual dan Bekam’, is perhaps the best example of how Naqshbandi-Haqqani is introduced to the general public through healing. Published in 2006 by Hikmah publisher (an affiliate of Mizan publisher), as the title suggests, this book offers a practical guide to apply bekam and rukyah as an alternative healing method for any health problems. According to Salahuddin, medicine or syifa for any health problems could be obtained by combining ruqyah and shodaqoh (charity act) through the intermediary of Sufi saints.

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74 _{Sufism became known among urban Muslims through the work of Abah Anom, an alternative} healer and Naqshbandi Qadiri’s Sufi master of Pesantren Suralaya who was known for his Inabah – a healing method applied for curing drug addicts. During his lifetime, Abah Anom established more than 20 Pondok Inabah throughout Indonesia for helping those diagnosed of drug -related problems.

Sufi books on health and healing based on a person’s account and testimony about their spiritual experiences during the healing process are another way of introducing Sufism to the populace. One of these books is Amin Syukur’s Zikir Menyembuhkan Kanker (Reciting God invocation cures my cancer), which was published in 2007 by Hikmah publisher. Amin Syukur is a Professor of Islamic Studies at Walisongo Islamic State University in Semarang who suffered cancer but survived. As the title suggested, Amin shared his personal account and testimony regarding his struggle against and triumph over cancer. In short, Islamic books and their popularity play a part in promoting and introducing Sufism to the general public.

3.3.2 Mosque and Praying House

The Muslim worshipping places consist of mosques and other smaller praying houses such as mushola and langgar which are not used for Friday prayer. Mosque, as commonly understood, is a worshipping place where obligatory prayers is conducted regularly. It is also a place where communal prayer involving a large number of Muslims is carried out weekly/annually. Ridwan al-Makassary and Ahmad Gaus (2010), through their studies of mosques in Jakarta and Solo, show that mosques have become very important in recent years because they are a site of contestation among different religious groups with contrasting religious outlook. The mosque is also a site of consumption because the Friday sermon is often used for the quest for material incentives (Muzakki 2010, 67-82).

Complementing the previous study, the case of Naqshbandi-Haqqani reveals that mosque is a site of contestation as well as of consumption because access to and controlling over mosque has to do with social economic status. Mosque is now more than just a worshipping place. It serves as a public place where certain Islamic beliefs and doctrines are transmitted, obligatory and superregatory rituals are performed, and religious symbols are displayed. A mosque running successfully relies on the financial support of its regular attendees. By building and providing a mosque with financial support have become a consuming habit among wealthy Muslims in Indonesia. Changes in religious preferences of the financial supporter would eventually influence not only mosque’s organising committee but also other regular attendees.

Of the 731,776 worshipping places registered with the Ministry of Religious Affairs in 2004, there are 643,832 Muslim worshipping places throughout Indonesia. Though an exact figure is not available, there is growing number of mosques and praying houses which are built or financially supported by wealthy Muslims. Financial patronage enables to change ritual habit and religious preferences practiced in mosque and praying house. The story of Sunarto and Sutono Joyosuparto, two senior Naqshbandi-Haqqani disciples, is indicative of the relationship of mosque, economic patronage, and Sufi religiosity.

Since the early 2000s, Soenarto has donated a large amount of money to buy land for the construction of a mosque. For instance, he donated a large amount of money to build a mosque in Sukabumi, West Java. The mosque itself is part of a large boarding school complex of Pesantren Darus Syifa al Fitrat that he also financially supported. He also built and donated a large building complex as a

retreat centre for conducting seclusion (suluk) in Cikereteg, Bogor. It is part of his villa used for family vacation. The construction of this retreat center was completed in December 2003, costing a total of Rp 2.3 billion.75 Relating to what he had done, he said as follows:

“As a businessman, I have been through a hardship and success many times. While I used to ask for more from God, it is time to give back in His path. I am happy with what I have right now. I felt grateful that I spend a lot to build the mosque and school.”

Another devout disciple, Sutono Joyosuparto, also shared a similar experience. Donating a piece of land in his hometown, Kuningan, West Java, he built a mosque that could cater up to 250 people. He was once a succesful architect who, after retirement, had more than enough to live on. He donated the land and built a mosque on it soon after visiting Sheikh Hisham in the USA in early 2000s.76

On the surface, it is an act of piety in the hope for spiritual reward, but fulfilling material needs and desire is also a driving force behind his pious act. Financial support enables both Sunarto and Sutono Joyosuparto to dictate what kind of rituals would be conducted in the mosque. According to Naqshbandi- Haqqani’s sources, KH Ece Supriyatna, Imam of the mosque who is also leader of Pesantren Darus Syifa al Fitrat was at first not a Sufi follower. Some of Naqshbandi-Haqqani’s disciples in Jakarta described him as an educated person with Salafi inclination. Generous donations from the Sunarto family certainly play a part in his decision to join Naqshbandi-Haqqani. Nowadays, dzikir is part of the daily religious praxis in the mosque. Similarly, dzikir has been conducted on a

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75 _{Interview with Abdurrauf Kurniadi, 30 September 2010} 76 _{Interview with Sutono Joyosuparto, 14 August 2010}

regular basis in mosque donated and built by the Sutono family in Kuningan, West Java.

3.3.3 Popular Music

Music has been playing an important role in the transmission of Islamic traditions. The use of dance and music represents a deliberate effort to propagate Sufism not only as a complex theological, doctrinal and philosophical teaching but also an enjoyable communal festivity (Peterson 2008, 271-295). It is not uncommon that Sufi communal ritual includes art and music performances (Geertz 1960). The new styles and consumption patterns in music have to do with the current making of public sphere and youth culture (Sutton 2011, 212).

Art and music performance is part of the entertainment industry through which Indonesian Muslims get to know about Sufism and Sufi materials. Sufi themes spread to general audience and can be found in song lyrics produced by well-known music bands or famous individual performer. Popular cultural expression of contemporary Islam appears in various cultural products such as audiocassettes, CDs and DVDs and is manifested in form of religious musical albums (album religi) and movies. There are three that are worth to mention: Haddad Alwi’s and Sulis’ Cinta Rasul, Laskar Cinta of Dewa 19, and Opick’s religious songs.

Cinta Rasul (Love the Prophet) is a musical album recorded and distributed by Sony BMG in 1999. It is the most successful religious album ever made in Indonesia, with a record of 1.3 million copies sold. It contained eight sholawat

songs by Haddad Alwi and Sulistyowati. Haddad Alwi is of Sayyid Hadhrami background, while Sulistyowati (aka Sulis as she is known to her fans), was only nine years old then. This musical album is a good example of how the Islamic message is marketed as a popular cultural product. The album contains religious songs that emphasize the importance of loving the Prophet and one’s parents, two traditional religious themes popular among Sufi adherents.

The Laskar Cinta (Warriors of Love) is a musical album launched in 2004. This musical album consisted of 12 songs written by Ahmad Dhani, the founder and lead vocalist of Dewa 19, a popular rock band in Indonesia The musical album has a strong Sufi flavour with lyrics inspired by various prominent Sufi figures (Wahyudi 2007). The title ‘Laskar Cinta’ itself was intended as a counter message to ‘Laskar Jihad’ which was notorious for its violent activism in Moluccas (Hasan 2002, 145-169). The Laskar Cinta sold almost a half million copies and attracted strong criticism from some Muslim activists and groups such as Ridwan Saidi, FPI, and FUI on the grounds that it delivered deviant teachings.

Meanwhile, Opick’s religious songs are attributed to a contemporary famous Indonesian performer, Opick, a nickname for Ainur Rofiq lil Fairdaus. He was born in Jember on 16 March 1974, and started his career as an entertainer and performer by launching a musical album entitled Istighfar in 2005. This musical album sold more than 800,000 copies and became one of the best selling Islamic albums in Indonesia. Unlike Ahmad Dhani who focuses on a rock musical genre, Opick has gained fame through his brand image as a singer of lagu ruhani (spiritual songs).77 His ‘Best of Opick’ album launched in 2011 included Islamic

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77 _{His first album, Istighfar, became a hit in 2005 and received double platinum with a total of} 300,000 copies sold.

songs with a strong Sufi message such as Tombo Ati, Rumput Bertasbih, and Shollu Ala Muhammad.78

While Hadad Alwi’s and Opick’s songs share traditional Sufi messages on the importance of loving the Prophet and the need for remembrance of God, Ahmad Dhani’s songs cite universal love and humanity. Through his songs, Ahmad Dhani also expresses admiration for some controversial Sufi figures such as Al Hallaj, Bayazid al Bistami, Jalaludin Rumi, and Ibn Arabi.79 _{Song lyrics,} accompanying music and the controversies they aroused introduced popular Sufism to lay Muslims in a way that was unimaginable before. Islam gained currency in determining Indonesian popular music (Sutton 2011). In the larger context, art and music represent contemporary popular culture that facilitates the shaping of Muslim piety among the middle- class in urban areas (Heryanto 2011, 60-82).

3.3.4 Fashion

Fashion is another site of consumption through which Indonesian Muslims find their way to Sufism. Fashion refers to any popular styles worn or attached as bodily accessories. It includes but not exclusively relates to popular styles in clothes, shoes, hairstyle, and so forth. In the contemporary world, fashion is not only consumer goods, but also an industry and lucrative business that generates profit by selling distinct brand image and maintaining exclusive claim of authenticity. Sufi groups in general and Naqshbandi-Haqqani in particular are fashionably attractive because they wear distinctive symbolic goods and accessories such as the long gown, turban, walking staff, praying beads, pin logo,

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78 _{Opick was reported to have been initiated into Naqshbandi-Haqqani in 2011.} 79 _{Interview with Jerry Marmen, brother-in law of Ahmad Dhani, 18 May 2012}

ring, tawiz, tooth-stick (siwak), fragrance dupa, and eye-liner (celak). They are also known for their distinctive long beards, and the custom of calling their fellow devotees sheikh.

The long gown, turban, tawiz and pin are the most important items of clothing. The long gowns are in the style of clothing common in the Middle East. Male disciples wear the long gown during communal rituals and public events involving the Naqhsbandi-Haqqani community. Similarly, the turban is a head covering made from a long piece of cambric that is neatly wrapped up over the head. It comes in different colors such as white, green, black, purple or red. Each color is worn for a different purpose. Pin is a miniature replica of the Prophet’s sandals, whereas tawiz is a logo written in Arabic with the word Allahu Haqq embossed on leather and often used as an amulet. The miniature replica of the Prophet’s sandal is made of platinum, gold or simply metal attached to the turban or the long gown, while the tawiz is worn as a necklace, put in a wallet or hang on a wall.

Before long, all the accessories are available online to buy using credit card or international money order. The accessories and their distinct appearance show the disciples’ devotion to their master. In fact, Naqshbandi-Haqqani community in America develops special websites that function as an online shopping site. There are two websites used for this purpose.80 Both websites display various Islamic products ranging from books, calligraphy, rings, clothes, fragrance, beads, to other accessories. Although deliberately designed as promotional, the products themselves are not regarded by the disciples merely as commercial products.

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Instead, the disciples consider buying such products as a pious act. The books written by Sheikh Nazim Adel, Sheikh Hisham Kabbani and other products, for instance, are highly sought after as expression of piety and devotion.

3.3.5 Travelling and Tourism

Ziarah is a popular religious practice among Indonesian Muslims. It is a ritualised practice of visiting graves to show respect and to pray over the dead. This practice is believed by Muslims to have the power of conferring divine blessing (barakah) on the living, a symbolic pious act to remind the living of the virtues of pious Muslims who have passed away (Jamhari 1995, Muhaimin 2006, Christomy 2008). The practice of ziarah also provides reference to the past and signifies ritualised aspects of popular Islam in Indonesia (Fox 1991, 19, 2002, 160).

Contrary to common understanding that it is just a remnant of an old- fashioned rural tradition, pilgrimage journey is now a lucrative business. Ziarah is also attractive especially for those seeking spiritual retreat and alternative tourism. The practice of ziarah allows the urban upper-middle class to express their religiosity. The practice of ziarah now resembles travelling and visiting tourist destinations. Travelling overseas and visiting domestic tourist destination is a leisure activity common among urban people in Indonesia. As recorded by Asniar