3. Desarrollo de una herramienta colaborativa para establecer y controlar iniciativas de SPI basadas
3.2. Especificación de requerimientos
3.2.3. Requerimientos de Kaizen
realities of the minority situation and the expectations of the larger society, and hence the more introverted is the minority likely to become (Martin, 1972b :106-116).
These findings are presented as promising propositions and their format
implies that the writer sees them as approaching law-like statements and
that through further refinement in the form of hypothesis testing they may
reach the status of laws. However, the critique of this approach presented
in Part I indicated that theoretical laws cannot be derived in this fashion.
Martin is making connections between empirical constructs, e.g.,
authoritarian individuals, resources available, but applying them as if
they were theoretical concepts. In another sense, the nature of the
questions p°sed and the findings obtained are totally uncritical of the
What is noticeably absent from studies of ethnic relations in
Australia is a representation of the social system in which to study ethnic
groups. Even where it is the intention of the researcher to develop an
increased understanding of the totality which constitutes the social
structure, it is implicit that this is to be achieved by 'working up' from
ethnic relations in an inductive fashion. This approach fails to
appreciate the role of ethnic groups in maintaining the social system:
as a component of the system.
There are many other studies in the Australian discourse of ethnic
relations which rely upon the same epistemological assumptions and hence
suffer from similar shortcomings as the studies discussed above. It is
not intended to provide an exhaustive review of
alt
these studies. Suchan exercise would be of little value. However a few of the questions posed
in other studies can give an idea of the empiricist nature of the
problematic.
3. Banchevska in the study entitled 'The Immigrant Family1 asks:
What is the future of the immigrant? Is he to remain an isolate living in
his ethnic community, in a foreign enclave, for the rest of his days? What
of his children? Is the alternative assimilation, complete absorption into
the community? (1974:151).
4. Cell in his work 'The New Australians' asks:
... whether Australia, like America can absorb successfully the massive inflow, mould a 'nation of immigrants' different from any of the countries of origin, one to which all have contributed. Put another way, for of course the people are there and so they must form some kind of cultural compromise, will the product have much resemblance to the Australia of past and present? Can the Australian ethos absorb the shock? Or will it be swamped?
(Cell, 1969:249).
How does Cell answer this?
All that can be said is that the swamping has not happened yet ... The impact of the new Australians is thus impossible to assess
104
with any accuracy. Any judgments would necessarily be
premature (Cell, 1969:249-50).
Price has recently edited a collection of writings under the heading
of Greeks in Australia (1975). This collection is seen as fulfilling the
need to supply more studies in depth on this particular ethnic group
(1975:2). Furthermore, the volume is seen:
Of special interest to those working in social sciences or involved in the social problems of Greek families and communities (Price, 1975:2).
Thus the social problem orientation of these studies seems clear from
Price's statement.
This brief critique of some Australian studies in ethnic relations
which go to make up the discourse has concentrated on the internal
components of the practice, i.e., the non-systematic, empiricist,
g
arbitrary, aspects. If sociological knowledge is inherently value laden
as was argued in the previous part, what values underlie these pieces of
research? Questions of this sort are concerned with the external
components of the practice and are not easy to ascertain because the
political implications of the research are not spelled out in these studies (Galvin, 1980). For instance will the results of Wilson's study
inform politicians of how they might develop strategies to attract 'the
ethnic vote'? Does Martin's study provide information for governments on
how they may assist the break down of ethnicity (at least its
organisational manifestations) and promote migrant participation in
Australian associations? Or does it inform migrant groups on how to
retain their ethnicity?
What unites these studies, and the discourse of ethnic relations in
general, with respect to the epistemological conceptions underlying them
is their empiricist and positivist nature. Empiricist, in the sense
expressed by Althusser of perceiving the object of knowledge as a given
Positivist, in the sense that knowledge is regarded as value free, that
the object is pre-theoretical and that the aim of sociological practice
is to develop laws about society.
Finally, it should be added, that these studies tend to be non-critical
of the social system. Where they are 'critical', it is almost always at a
tinkering, social engineering level - and never of the total system.