Gender roles in the Sindhi community are also defined through business and business relationships. While to conform to the ideal of masculinity a Sindhi man has to own a company, to be a Sindhi woman means demonstrating the business success of her man (father or husband) through engaging herself with activities outside of immediate business practices. In other words, the best way for a Sindhi woman to show family prosperity is to leave business matters for the male members of her family and to keep herself busy with household as well as social and cultural matters, which are
nevertheless all linked with business in one way or another. A Sindhi woman who is not working is a proof of her father's or husband's ability to provide for the family. But the demonstration of family wealth does not stop there. A Sindhi woman should organise her social activities in a way that would allow her to communicate the idea of the family's business success to other community members in the most expressive manner. As a result, most social activities of Sindhi women, be it luncheons, kitty parties,
satsangs (religious gatherings) or card games, the favourite pastime of Sindhi women, are held in five-star hotels and other expensive venues. These social gatherings
"constitute opportunities to show off costliest jewellery and best saris, and hence transmit knowledge about the wealth and prestige of their families" (Falzon 2004:85).
Similar to men, Sindhi women in Jakarta fulfil their gender obligations with diligence. While males centre their lives on business activities, Sindhi women structure their time around providing support for husbands, raising children, attending beauty salons and social functions. In the words of one respondent:
most of Indian ladies here—what's their activities? I'm not trying to downgrade them but I'm telling you the mentality and the thinking. They are mostly playing cards. Ramee is [a card game] with money, with a small stick. It's their hobby. And I like that. And [there is] the Indonesian activity—arisan, and beauty salons. (Kumar, Indonesian Sindhi, second generation, personal communication, 8 Feb. 2013)
Sindhi girls are brought up with the idea that being a devoted wife and mother of a Sindhi businessman is the main goal in life. Most Sindhi girls in Jakarta marry in their early twenties. In 2013 the organisers of Miss India Indonesia beauty pageant had to
lower the age eligibility requirements to get enough participants for the competition. If the general age requirement of Miss India Worldwide is 18–27 years old, in Jakarta sixteen-year-old girls were allowed to apply because by the age of 23–25 most
Indonesian Sindhi girls were already married and thus could not take part in Miss India Indonesia.
In the 2000s and the early 2010s before marriage Sindhi girls would often obtain a college degree and even a work experience in administration or finance in a family business, or in a company owned by a fellow Sindhi. But higher degrees and work experience mainly serve the purpose of finding a good (meaning wealthy) suitor, and increasing family wealth. After getting married Sindhi women usually quit their jobs and become full-time housewives and mothers, reproducing their Sindhiness through family and social activities.
Some ambitious and energetic Sindhi women might continue working and I will discuss several cases in regards to media business in chapter Six. But there are certain gender-based limitations. Women mostly join family businesses, acting as helpers and supporters of their fathers or husbands, not as business partners, and take responsibility for those aspects of business that are deemed compatible with "female nature". These include accounting, budgeting and administration, for they require neatness, attention to detail and minimal engagement with the outside world. Therefore, even if technically in business, a Sindhi woman rarely steps into the male territory that is primarily associated with business negotiations and, in some cases, production.
5.1. The Roots of Gender Ideology
The association of men with business and women with everything that is left outside of direct business operations, but contributes to its success, is a historical legacy of the times when commerce that required extensive travel was much more suitable for men than women. Sindhi businessmen rarely took their families with them on the business trips. In most cases women stayed in Hyderabad, Sindh, taking care of the children and at the same time exhibiting the success of their husbands' overseas business operations by wearing expensive saris and jewellery. Such demonstration of wealth was particularly important before Partition as the Hyderabadi community was the only source of financial support for Sindhi global business.
Partition had a profound impact on the distribution of responsibilities along gender lines. Migration resulted in the overlap of two previously spaciously separate spheres of business and family, male and female worlds. After Partition the families joined Sindhi businessmen in various locations. In most cases, right after migration Sindhis were rather constrained in financial resources and conducted business from their houses. Many women, often reluctantly, were drawn into business to take charge of managing finances (Thapan 2002:55). Female labour was, however, not
acknowledged. Quite on the contrary, it was concealed because a working woman was, in the eyes of Sindhis, an indication of the weakness of male family members, of their inability to be businessmen and provide for the family.
The idea that a woman can work for self-fulfilment, not because she financially needs to do so, started to emerge in the Indonesian Sindhi community only in the 1970s. The change in perception was again an outcome of migration, which then resulted in reconsideration of the importance of education. In general, before Partition education for boys or for girls was not valued among Sindhi bhaibands.56 After Partition Sindhis gradually realised that education was a form of capital, which was not only easily transportable across national borders, but also quite easily convertible into financial capital. Moreover, for Sindhis in Indonesia education turned into a profitable business. The changing attitude towards education and its value affected both sexes but changed the position of girls more drastically. Boys entered business with and without education. For women access to education was a door to the world outside the family.
Girls in the Jakartan Sindhi community first earned their university degrees in the late 1960s. At that time the families who supported their daughters in obtaining higher education had to deal with harsh criticism from the Sindhi community both in Indonesia and India, the major educational destination for Sindhi girls brought up in Indonesia. India had several advantages over other countries with English-medium education (the UK, the USA and Australia), like lower cost of education, shared cultural values and relative proximity to home. One of my respondents remembered that in the late 1960s her father, who insisted on the education of all his children regardless of their gender, eventually had to yield to community pressure and enrol his daughters in a
56
It was the jati, the subcommunity, of amils that was educated. For more about different jatis
domestic science department. But a few years later, in the early 1970s, the youngest girls in the family were able to pursue degrees in pedagogy.
It was this degree in teaching that triggered some changes at the level of perception in the Jakartan Sindhi society. In the 1970s several Sindhi women joined Gandhi Memorial School as teachers, and the fact that the school was a Sindhi enterprise facilitated their entrance into professional roles (Thapan 2002:61). The Sindhi community gradually stopped looking at a working woman as a disgrace to the family. Female work was, however, mostly seen as entertainment, as a way to "have some fun".
During my fieldwork in 2013, higher education and professional experience of Sindhi girls was not an exception but a rule. In fact, many Sindhi women were much more educated than Sindhi men. If in the 1960s higher degrees were seen as an
impediment for marriage, in 2013 a university degree, or at least course certificates, was one of the necessary requirements for a girl of a marriageable age. In the twenty-first century educational degrees and salaries often feature in Sindhi matrimonial ads (Falzon 2004:216). At the same time, while the changes in education and attitude towards working women altered the criteria of what constitutes a good match for a Sindhi man, the idea that women are supporters but "never explicitly managers or decision-taker" (Falzon 2004:215) has not changed significantly. As discussed above, after getting married, women are not expected to pursue an independent professional careers.
The social expectations make it difficult for a Sindhi woman to have a successful career and to be a wife. Men avoid marrying career-oriented women as it immediately limits the opportunities to show off their success as an entrepreneur and thus their masculinity. During my fieldwork I met a few Sindhi women who were independent entrepreneurs or professionals working for non-Sindhi owned corporations, but they had never been married or were divorced.57 For Sindhi women marriage is largely incompatible with independent professional career.
At the same time reversing gender roles in Sindhi society seems to be more difficult for men than women. While the community has gradually accepted women working for self-fulfilment, even if as helpers of the male members of the family, by
and large it does not accept men who are not involved in money-making activity in one way or another. As I just mentioned, in Jakarta there are quite a few Sindhi women whose lifestyle and behaviour do not conform to the Sindhi ideals of femininity. They do not see marriage as the ultimate goal of their lives and aspire to build professional careers in various fields. For example, I met women who chose careers in such "male" domains as engineering and filmmaking (to be discussed in detail in chapter Six). Despite such deviation from gender norms, these Sindhi women are nevertheless active members of the community. They are not rejected. Meanwhile, Sindhi men who have no aspirations to do business, usually cease to actively participate in the Sindhi community life because they feel they do not belong and are not accepted there. For example, Dani (pseudonym), a Sindhi man who became an artist and actively rejects being associated with business world, withdrew from the Sindhi community life almost completely. Based on my observations, men who do not see money-making as the main goal of their life also tend to remain single or marry out of the community.
5.2. Beauty as Duty
As stated above, women demonstrate business success not only by leaving business matters to male members of the family and providing full support with family and household matters, but also by taking good care of their personal appearance. As Makrovitz mentioned in passing, "covering one's women in jewels and fine clothing was a preferred mode of displaying wealth among successful Sindwork merchants" (Markovits 2000:276). Women carry the most burden of constantly exhibiting family wealth because men are quite limited in their ways of showing wealth on their body. While men can exhibit their prosperity in a noticeable and mobile manner mainly through expensive suits, shoes, watches, and rings, women have many more means to "translocalise knowledge of one's worth" (Falzon 2004:253). In addition to clothing, the wealth can be conveyed through exquisite hairstyle, sophisticated make-up, bracelets, necklaces and earrings and, recently, plastic surgery on face and body, which are still more common among Sindhi women than men. Physical appearance is an investment on a daily basis and is discussed as such. Plastic surgery such as facelifts, breasts and/or buttock implants are not concealed but are a common subject of discussions during female social gatherings. Visits to beauty salons are a daily obligation of Sindhi
their hair at home but only in beauty parlours. Consider the Facebook status of one of the female community members:
if u are a MOM like ME, attending weddings dinners bdays satsangs &
managing home n kids n hubby , salons , kitchen & etc and live in Jakarta with D BLOODY CRAZY TRAFFIC !!! Pat urself twice!!! U r no less than a SUPER WOMAN!!! hahahahahaha.... i still manage to watch Ram Kapoor at midnite too!! (Aani, November 21, 2012 [facebook status update])
Visits to a beauty salon and cooking are listed next to each other, it is just a part of the household routine, not a way to indulge oneself on special occasions or to satisfy the requirements of corporate dress-code.
The idea that Sindhis have perfected business to a "fine art" is thus illustrated by the fact that expensiveness is an aesthetic category. In the Sindhi community beauty is measured monetarily. For Sindhis being beautiful means looking expensive and looking expensive means looking beautiful. Looking beautiful is not a gift from God as such but a matter of financial investment. The way Raam Punjabi described the beauty of his future wife, Raakhee, born Shanta Harjani, exemplifies the point well:
She was very beautiful. Actually, extraordinary beautiful... It seemed like Shanta dressed up especially for me. The clothes were very pretty, made from the selected fabrics... When her body moved, I could feel a very nice fragrance. So I asked her, "What perfume are you wearing?" She smiled happily. "Christian Dior," was her answer. (Endah 2005:116–118)
While describing Raakhee's beauty, Raam focuses on the expensiveness of her clothes and perfume, not her physical features, her eyes or hair, for example.