LA RESOCIALIZACIÓN BAJO El ENFOQUE DEL DERECHO PENAL DEL EQUILIBRIO

The emergence of ritual and the development of social stratification have been closely linked in many regions globally, as ideology lent power to some people and restricted others from access to the supernatural. On the northeastern shores of Lake Titicaca, scholars (Cohen 2010; Plourde 2006; Stanish and Cohen 2005; Stanish and Levine 2011) have shown just this: the construction of elaborate ritual structures was paralleled by an increase in social stratification and violent domination by an elite class. It has thus been suggested that the emergence of Yaya- Mama in the southern lake basin represented a similar process (Janusek 2008; Stanish 2003).

The data included in this dissertation showed very little evidence for increasing social stratification during this period, despite different mortuary locations and diverse ceramic styles. Most markers of status, such as mortuary artifacts, reproductive relationships, and disease

lesions, pointed to little social differentiation within and between sites. One of the hallmark signs of aggrandizing behavior is often the inclusion of elaborate or plentiful grave goods as

disposable wealth and provision of the afterlife. However, archaeological analyses showed that very few mortuary objects were included in tombs at both temple and non-temple sites. It is possible that perishable grave goods accompanied Yaya-Mama burials; there is some

archaeological evidence for re-opening of tombs, likely for a number of reasons such as ritual

“feeding” of the dead and adding multiple individuals. However, ceramic and lithic mortuary objects were extremely limited and seemingly random across burials at all sites, with no apparent patterning or clear associations to age or sex.

Reproductive relationships and ancestry were shared across all populations, with few individuals showing great phenotypic divergence or unique ancestry. Not only were those buried at temples closely related, but the individuals interred at non-temple sites also shared ancestry with others in the lake basin. This is significant, as emerging hierarchies often created strict boundaries between social classes, dictating who was considered an appropriate reproductive partner. This is also significant because ancestral lineages were (and are) very important to social status in the Andes. If the people living on the Copacabana Peninsula shared important ancestors, this would have limited social differences and created an inclusive ancestral kin network.

Finally, disease risk and health status did not vary significantly within or between burial populations. Health status is one of the most reliable indicators of social hierarchy, as elite classes were able to access more resources and generally avoid strenuous labor (Goodman and Leatherman 1998). If temples represented the emergence of an elite class, it would be reasonable to expect that the people buried at non-temple sites would have lowered health statuses and, as a result, increased rates of skeletal and dental lesions associated with stress and disease. However, the data here showed very little difference in disease risk between burial populations or between individuals.

The only pattern that may suggest emerging status was the inclusion of significantly more male individuals in temple burial populations. While Yaya-Mama imagery often included

juxtaposed male and female figures, this balance in the sexes was not reflected in the burial populations. It seems that burial at temple sites was more available to males, suggesting that these individuals held some kind of power in the ritual sphere or were more closely linked to the ritual tradition. Elevated male status was underscored by their increased consumption of

maize beverage. Chicha was a prized resource throughout the Andes over time and increased access to this beverage often reflected higher status or privilege associated with ritual (Berryman 2010; Goldstein et al. 2009; Hastorf and Johannessen 1993). While Yaya-Mama may have focused on venerating female ancestors and/or Pachamama, males may have been more engaged with these rituals on a daily basis.

Taken together, the mortuary and health indicators suggest that social class or hierarchy did not dictate community boundaries. People buried at sacred locations (temples) did not have significantly more grave goods, were closely related to each other and those buried elsewhere, and were not protected from disease. This confirms the results of other investigations of hierarchy on the peninsula; no archaeological material remains indicate emergent social hierarchy or class structures (Chávez 2012:446-449). The only indicator of emerging social status was tied to sex; adult males were more likely to be buried at sacred places than other adults or juveniles and had more access to sacred chicha. Overall, the picture of social status and community was fairly egalitarian during this period, a trend in stark contrast to the developments on the northern side of the lake basin.

If communities were not stratified, what does this mean for the socio-economic changes of the Early Horizon and Early Intermediate Period? Often, socio-economic changes such as the ones occurring in the Titicaca Basin were linked to central authorities or governing bodies that facilitated labor and trade. However, on the Copacabana Peninsula, we do not see evidence for this kind of centralization of power. As has been suggested by Sergio Chávez, power may have been heterarchical or shared across settlements, with groups equally responsible for their own share of the labor required to cultivate fields, build terraces, and maintain trade networks (Chávez 2012: 449).