Recent election and its results have brought focus on RSS (Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh) and its role in politics yet again. It is perhaps good time to discuss this issue as the electoral hype has cooled down. RSS has always professed that it is a cultural organization, not a political organization. Third chief of RSS, Balasaheb Deoras and the current chief Dr. Mohan Bhagwat, however, also indicated that RSS is not in party politics or power politics but it will not hesitate to use its organizational strength for the good of the nation where required. Many critics claim – wrongly - that Nehru had forced RSS to abjure politics and that the ban on the organization in 1948 was lifted only after this assurance. RSS Chief at the time, M S Golwalkar had spoken at Vijayadashami programme in 1947 in clear words that RSS was not interested in politics. But Nehru felt threatened by its huge popularity, specially in north and western belt due to its work in defending Hindus and resettlement of refugees during partition at cost of life and property of its own workers. Nehru was obviously not convinced with this assurance, and many other jealous state level leaders too were fretting and trying to figure out stopping RSS’s onward march in the country when there was no opposition anywhere on the political horizon in early days of post-independence India. Resolutions had been passed by many Congress state committees to find ways to stop RSS. Nehru had threatened to crush RSS on 29th January 1948 in Amritsar, a day prior to Gandhiji’s assassination. This
horrendous crime gave Nehru a perfect excuse to ban RSS. And he didn’t let go the chance, and banned RSS though there was not an iota of evidence against it.
With this ban began the first brush of RSS with games of power politics as it struggled to get this ban lifted. I will not go into details in this essay, like the fact that RSS was clearly exonerated by CID, courts and commission of enquiry, and that RSS was not mentioned in any of the conspirators’ confessions or prosecution or court’s ruling. It suffices to note that RSS launched a massive peaceful satyagrah that finally culminated in lifting the ban with retreat by the government. This episode is covered well in the annexure that follows this article.
One interesting incident worth noting here in this 1948 episode is that many young leaders of RSS mooted an idea of organizing a political party to counter Congress’s high handedness and deceitful nature of government’s negotiations with RSS top leadership. To pressurize Congress leadership, Prof K R Malkani wrote a series of articles about the proposed political party in Organiser weekly. The strategy worked and Congress softened its stand to ultimately lift the ban. With this development the idea of running a political party was buried for good. It is also interesting that Sardar Patel was ready to negotiate with RSS if it was ready to become part of Congress. But, Guruji refused.Guruji was never interested in politics. He firmly believed that politics alone cannot be a solution in democracy and peoples’
participation in all walks was more important for development and growth. He was ready to work with any political party for the good of the nation. Dr. Shyama Prasad Mukerjee, a prominent leader of Hindu Mahasabha had resigned from Central Cabinet in protest over Nehru-Liaqat pact. He decided to form a nationalist party in 1951, that didn’t work on basis of religion or lopsided notion of Nehru about secular polity. He needed some good organizers so he could strengthen and expand his newly formed party Bharatiya Jan Sangh. He
approached Guruji for help. Guruji was very reluctant, but on persuasion of his colleagues he finally agreed to depute some of his best talents to Jan Sangh. But, Guruji kept himself and
RSS scrupulously out of politics. He only advised his juniors in Jan Sangh as and when they sought his advice.
Inspite of Guruji’s advice to stay away from politics many young RSS leaders were keen to help Jan Sangh make a mark in national politics and worked very hard in 1952 elections, but when the results showed a very moderate success, they were chastened and resumed normal organizational work of RSS.
After this election, there were individual cases where local RSS people helped good leaders like Acharya Kripalani and Lohia. In his biography, Prof Rajendra Singh ki Jeevan Yatra, I have quoted the fourth RSS Chief, who was a divisional prachaarak at that time, talks about his help to Dr. Ram Manohar Lohia in 1962 against Nehru in Prayag or Allahabad – his home town, on request of revered Prabhudatt Brahmachari. When Lohia asked him ‘would he help him in elections?’ Rajju Bhaiyya answered, “we would happily support a good person, irrespective of the party he belonged.” This relation remained healthy and survived well till Dr. Lohia expired. Incidentally, Rajju Bhaiyya had loaned a senior local worker, Raj Narain, to Congress for singing patriotic songs during its election rallies during 1945 assembly elections in U.P. in deference to request from Late Lal Bahadur Shastri. Such cordial relations existed with Congress and RSS workers in most places in India at that time inspite of
ideological differences.
Good relations between Dr. Lohia, some local RSS leaders and Jan Sangh leaders like Deendayal Upadhyay; and convergence of thought on many national issues resulted in formation of first non-Congress alliance governments in 1967 in Madhya Pradesh, Uttar Pradesh, Bihar, Haryana etc. they were named Samyukta Vidhayak Dal governments and included Socialists, Jan Sangh, Chaudhary Charan Singh’s Bharatiya Kranti Dal, a few smaller parties, disgruntled Congress members supported by Communists in a few instances. RSS workers in UP helped Acharya Kripalani in Moradabad, Dr. Lohia from Farrukhabad and Deendayal Upadhyay from Jaunpur in the by-elections held in 1968. Incidentally, while former two won and Jan Sangh’s own leader Deendayal Upadhyay lost! Old Jan Sangh workers tell us that he lost because he refused to pander to caste politics by appealing to Brahmins, a major community in his constituency, in the name of his Brahmin caste. Next major critical involvement of RSS in socio-political space was during anti-corruption agitation in 1975 when the then RSS chief Balasaheb Deoras asked his volunteers boldly to take part in it with full energy. He also persuaded Jai Prakash Narayan through Nanaji Deshmukh to lead this ‘Navnirman andolan’. Things went into an unexpected direction with Smt. Indira Gandhi imposing Emergency and putting leaders of all opposition parties behind bars and ban of RSS second time in its history. Imposition of draconian Emergency and suppression of civil liberties led to RSS putting its entire organizational might to fight against this dictatorship and revive democracy. This struggle finally ended with elections being called. At this juncture senior leader of RSS working underground at that time, Prof Rajendra Singh, acted as a catalyst in forging Janata Party into a single entity inspite of many ego issues of leaders. Workers and leaders of the political parties who were not in prison were scared and not ready to come out openly to work in elections. So, RSS volunteers took it upon themselves to run the election campaign for Janata Party. As the breeze of change began to blow and atmosphere suddenly became surcharged, other workers and citizens too came out and began working in election enthusiastically. Rest is history.
Many people recall that 2014 election Modi wave reminded them of Janata Party wave of 1977. Once Janata Party won the elections, and ban on RSS was lifted; RSS withdrew from
political arena and began its normal business of organizing citizens into a patriotic,
disciplined and proud society. I have already covered the issue of split in Janata Party and birth of BJP in this book.
Ram Mandir movement resulted in RSS getting involved in politics as Mr. L K Advani took political lead in this movement by supporting building of Ram temple. Till that time it was purely a cultural and religious movement involving all strata of society and multiple organizations. RSS was banned for the third time after destruction of Babri structure. The ban was lifted after some months. Various incidents and history of that period contributed to defeat of Congress, formation of various non-Congress governments that culminated in installation of BJP led government in 1998. RSS was not very deeply involved in 1998 elections but its indirect influence due to Ram Janmabhoomi movement cannot be overlooked.
It did not take any interest in subsequent elections of 2004 and 2009.Involvement of RSS was never as deep and as intensive as in 2014 elections that saw BJP led by Modi coming to power on its own. The critical factor that might have influenced RSS leadership into taking the plunge was blatantly anti-Hindu bias of Congress led government and targeting of innocent RSS workers, prachaaraks and Hindus in the name of ‘Saffron Terror’, while mollycoddling terrorists in hope of appeasing its traditional vote bank, blatantly anti-Hindu communal violence bill, poor internal and external security etc. etc.
This time RSS chief, Dr. Mohan Bhagwat, told his cadre firmly that they should see to it that all citizens become register as voters and ensure 100% voting. It was implied that if there is big increase in voting %, vote bank politics won’t work. Literature distributed by RSS
volunteers did not mention any party, but highlighted critical issues faced by the nation. They were told to avoid naming any political party during this mass contact programme. Result of this campaign is visible now. Mr. Modi’s charisma and solid organizational backup of RSS saw emergence of the first majority government of a genuine non-Congress organization that has non-Congress DNA.
With elections over, RSS workers have gone back to their normal organizational work without fanfare. All the senior RSS leaders went about their normal scheduled tours or relaxed at their respective offices. That its summer training camps all over India were organized as per schedule this year too, shows its organizational commitment and balanced approach to national issues.
From historical perspective it is clear that RSS gets involved in active politics only when strategic interests of nation and society are impacted, otherwise it keeps aloof from field level politics and party politics. It should be also apparent to its opponents that it is in interest of political parties of all hues not to force RSS into active political fights as it has capability to change the political course of the nation if it resolves to do so.