Introduction
In the previous chapters, it was shown that the unique character of the European Union (EU) affected the shaping and the implementation of its foreign policy, which is composed of the policies and actions of both the EU bodies as well as its member states towards third parties. Since the conception of the EU, the EFP was to a large extent divided between the external (economic) relations of the first pillar and that of the Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP) of the second pillar. Due to the economic power of the EU and its lack of significant independent military capabilities, academics’ attention was attached to the framework of the EU as a civilian and/or a normative power. These arguments do not only tackle the capacities and the instruments of the EU in promoting its interests but they also highlight its values and its perceptions about itself, its partners and the world system, economically and politically. Thus, it is of utmost importance that this thesis addresses its hypothesis based on this distinctive character of the EU, namely the superiority of its economic arm compared to the thin military capabilities, its post-modern character with the co-existence of supranational and intergovernmental internal processes and the balance between interests, values and perceptions in the shaping of the EFP. Scholars have agreed that there is a certain level of normative aspects in the EFP and consequently the main focus has been on the cohabitation of these elements, the way they are interrelated and the priority and significance given to each one of these elements in the (foreign) policy making process. The arguments of the instrumental use of values and identities in the shaping of the EFP as well as those on the priority placed on the grand goals of the EU and its member states over their values, have paved the way for a discourse based on which this thesis will attempt to set its main hypothesis and the subsequent research questions.
These arguments become even more vital for the analysis of the EFP, especially in the case of “strategic partnerships”. Whilst in the context of more
traditional relationships the EU was characterised as the powerful pole and could set the conditions and the structures of the relationship, in the case of “strategic partnerships” EFP leverage is significantly challenged. Partners’ values, perceptions and specific interests seem to diverge, in a context where the parties simultaneously cooperate and compete for economic interests and for political influence in the global system. Therefore, the way interests, values and perceptions interact in the EFP within the framework of “strategic partnerships” can be revealing about the EFP goals, tools, approaches and outcomes.
In this context, the aim of the thesis is to explore how the EU has applied ‘strategic partnership’ in its dealings with the GCC states which have developed a self-image of increasingly significant players in their region and beyond. Having in mind the internal characteristics of the EFP and the image the EU projects about itself in global affairs, the main focus will be on the tools and actions deployed by the EU in order to cooperate but also compete with third parties, which have the power to refute the normative aspects of the EFP and can challenge EU interests. While in the case of the traditional EU policies in the MENA region the EU has been the dominant pole directing policies and actions, based on its own norms and interests (reinforcing at the same time its own self- images) in the case of the GCC states the EU needs a different approach. Thus, the main question is how the civilian and normative self-image of the EFP affects the development of the EU-GCC relationship and how the EFP is affected in return because of this relationship. This question arises from the fact that the GCC states have different value systems as well as the political and economic power to bargain with the EU or even to reject EU norms and policies in the region.
Yet, it has been established that there is a great level of interdependency between the two regions and the option of ignoring each other, because of the differences in values, is not actually viable. Hence, it is vital to examine how values, interests (in security and economy) and self-images interact, in order to understand EFP in the Gulf region and the broader Middle East. ‘Strategic
partnership’ will be the tool which will provide the necessary benchmarks for assessing the manner in which the EU coordinates the actions of its bodies and member states, towards EFP objectives, in order to address external changes, to promote its interests without jeopardizing its own value system, and to reinforce its self-images in the Arabian Peninsula. Consequently, it will examine how the EU advances these elements, through a framework of engagement with the GCC states, in a broad based manner, at bilateral, inter-regional and multilateral levels. In doing so, the thesis explores for the first time a bloc-to-bloc relationship through this framework of ‘strategic partnership’, and the outcome of this research shall also provide insights on the development of the EU as a foreign policy actor, especially since the creation of EEAS has raised expectations in this area.
This chapter will present the hypothesis which will be examined in this research, and the research questions that will be addressed for testing the hypothesis. It will then present the case studies and explain the reasons for choosing them as the most suitable in exploring EU-GCC relations as well as the timeframe of the research, the material that has been used and the limitations faced during the research. In brief, this chapter will provide a methodological approach by which the thesis aims to provide an original insight into the EU-GCC relationship. It aims to do this by using a framework that has not been used before, that of strategic partnership, investigating more than one case study, incorporating activities from the societal, non-state level as well as by looking into this relationship for the past ten years, which will accommodate the dynamics of change in the EU’s expectations, interests, normative aspects and self-images.
Hypothesis: Interests, values and (self-)images
In the specific case of EU-GCC relations, this thesis has shown (in the Introduction) that there is a great level of convergence of economic and political–security interests of the two parties. Briefly, there has been a constant deepening of interdependency in terms of the economy, energy and security of
the two regions which has provided a new context in which the two parties seem to share goals and interests. More specifically, the EU has promoted the integration of the Gulf economies into the world economic system, promoted regional stability through regional integration and, domestically, favoured economic liberalisation and diversification projects. The GCC states have taken advantage of the technical support offered by the EU, for their own regional project as well as for their national economic diversification plans. Furthermore, during the oil boom of the 2000s the need for greater technological advancement and transfer of expertise from Europe to the Gulf, the surpluses of transnational flows of capital which have been invested in Europe, the rise in the bi-regional trade, as well as common security threats due to new sources of instability in the Middle East (Iran, Iraq, transnational radical Islamist groups) have created the dynamics for a closer EU-GCC relationship. However, the two parties have not reached the level of an officially declared (by the EU), strategic partnership.
Having in mind the fact that the EU has developed ‘strategic partnerships’ with other parties with value systems that are divergent (e.g. China and Russia), the value factor of the relationship cannot be pointed to as the sole source of this lack of an official declaration of an EU-GCC ‘strategic partnership’. Moreover, scholars have argued about the instrumental use of values as well as the prioritisation of interests over values. Therefore, the hypothesis needs to consider and address these approaches. It is worth remembering that according to these approaches, values are seen as being instrumentally used in the EFP, since they are pursued in a way that they advance specific interests and they also help to legitimise internally and externally the application of certain policies. However, the values themselves are not the source of the policy making procedure321. Furthermore, it has been suggested that values are “second order concerns” which are allowed to become a central part of the policy making process only to the extent that they do not clash with the grand goals of the EFP
321 Youngs, Richard, “Normative Dynamics and Strategic Interests in the EU’s External Identity”, Journal of Common
and the interests of the EU member states322. At this point, the role of perceptions, which have not been heavily touched upon by scholars in their definitions of ‘strategic partnership’ but have been identified as a possible source of development and application of this political tool by the EU, needs to be explored.
Taking the above points into consideration, in the case of the EU-GCC relationship, the main hypothesis of this thesis is the following: If the EU and the GCC states share interests and grand goals to the extent that these are prioritised by the EU and its member states, then value-driven differences are subordinated to interests and as a result (i) the EU and the GCC states enhance their relationship towards a “strategic partnership” and (ii) the EU’s (self-) image as a foreign policy actor is weakened in terms of its normative (self-)image and enhanced in terms of its effectiveness as a ‘strategic partner’ in a multipolar and
interdependent world.
Based on the above hypothesis, it can also be suggested that if the EU indeed applies norms in an instrumental manner, then to the extent that the GCC states respond to interests that are related to the values that have been instrumentally promoted, then the value factor of EFP is weakened in the official interactions of the two parties. Thus, if this is the case, the fact that the two parties have not officially declared an existing ‘strategic partnership’ is due to reasons that are either relate to their interests or their perceptions and not the values of the two parties. Therefore, the image of the EU as an effective foreign policy actor and a useful partner in the multipolar global setting, is not hindered by its value-driven language but by its ability to adapt to the new realities of the international system.
322 Hyde-Price, Adrian, ‘“Normative” power Europe: a realist critique’, Journal of European Public Policy, 13: 2, March
Research Questions
Given the abovementioned hypothesis and propositions as well as the definition of ‘strategic partnership’ constructed for the thesis, the following questions will be asked in order to explore the central elements of the hypothesis.
1. The two parties are engaged in a symmetrical – balanced relationship which is characterised by a parallel process of cooperation and competition. Therefore, what will be explored isthe convergence as well as the divergent characteristics of this relationship in terms of interests, values and images. How is the negotiating power of the EU affected in promoting its interests in the region? Having in mind the value driven arguments of the EFP, how can the EU and the GCC states cooperate? How can EFP promote its values over an equally powerful partner who is predominately different in terms of values? How can this factor influence the images the two parties have for themselves and for their external environments?
2. In terms of interdependency, the main question is whether this is indeed existent in the EU-GCC relationship, nowadays. If this is the case, as the introduction also suggests, to which level it is shaped by interests, values and images? What are the added values the parties bring in to the relationship? Are the parties in reality pivotal for each others’ goals? Can the EU project itself as a strategic partner to the GCC states and vice versa? Moreover, how has the normative aspect of the EFP been advanced or compromised due to the interdependency factor? What are the implications of the latter to the EU and the GCC (self-) images?
3. The common interests and shared challenges are identified at national, regional and international levels. Have the parties managed to transform
share concerns and expectations into common approaches and joint actions, having in mind the possibility that interests and values are incompatible? How have perceptions influenced the shaping of common interests? How are all these dealt with by the two parties in the three environments and what is the outcome? How has the outcome affect the two parties and their perceptions as well as the relationship itself? At this point, it should be noted that both parties are considered to be powerful in terms of economy but with less powerful military capabilities. Yet, their relationship has been addressing, directly and indirectly, security issues.
4. Since a “strategic partnership” is a multilayered, multidimensional and multileveled relationship, the question is whether in the case of the EU- GCC relationship, bi-regional interactions have intersected different ranks of the societies, from different fields and at different levels (bilateral, bi-regional and international) in a way which has enhanced this relationship.
5. In addition, it is suggested that a relationship which focuses merely on specific commercial and security interests cannot be qualified as a 'strategic partnership'. A 'strategic partnership' is a much broader, if possible all inclusive, long-term relationship, which is has been institutionalised into formal channels of communications. Yet, a strategic partnership needs to remain dynamic and flexible to adjust to the changing environments of the parties. . Therefore the question is whether this relationship has evolved over time and if the parties have been flexible in accommodating changing interests, values, expectations and perceptions. Moreover, to what extent has institutionalisation of the relationship been a factor to enhance or hinder the strategic character of the EU-GCC relations?
6. Furthermore, since this is the first attempt to explore a bi-regional relationship within the framework of “strategic partnerships”, it is vital to address the questions regarding the role of the unique characters regional organisations have compared to nation-states. Has the institutional mismatch of the two organisations affected the development of the relationship? Were there any member states or other actors who have hindered the evolution of the biregional relationship or on the contrary have pushed forward the partnership? To what extent have internal divisions or on the contrary, has cohesiveness shaped the partnership?
7. In addition, if the EFP is characterised by a triangular relationship between interests, values and images, then the question regarding the balance of normative approaches and interest-based approaches of the EFP is raised. Are the values and the perceptions of the EU (and the GCC states) an obstacle or an asset for this relationship?
The last research question introduces the need to explore the level of mutual understanding that the two parties need to reach in order to advance their relationship. The level to which the parties do make compromises regarding their values and perceptions in order to advance their common interests also characterises the kind of partnership that may arise. It has already been shown that there are different scales for assessing the EU’s “strategic partnerships”, either based on interest-driven or value-driven approaches. Since the hypothesis of this thesis suggests that the EU and the GCC states are moving towards a strategic partnership, then the research should also address the question of what kind of “strategic partnership” is being shaped.
Case Studies
The ambition of this research is to be multidimensional, multilayered and multileveled. That means that the case studies should address issues that go beyond the role of the ruling elites and explore the role of different actors from the bureaucracies, the business communities and academics, from different dimensions of the interactions (and most importantly in the fields of economy and security) which affect policies at bilateral, bi-regional and international levels. Thus, there must be at least one case study which goes beyond bilateral relations, and which has a direct effect on the regional or global setting. Moreover, it should be remembered that the current literature has been focused on the role of the EU in political reforms in the Arab states of the Persian Gulf and the poor results of EU foreign policy in the Gulf region in terms of democratisation. Since the aim of this thesis is to analyse how interests, values and images are accommodated in the relationship and how they have become factors in advancing or hindering this relationship towards a ‘strategic partnership’, in different thematic fields, within the same context by the same actors, it will apply a ‘most different systems design’323
. Thus, this thesis will explore one case of economic cooperation (which nevertheless includes aspects of political, economic and social norms but it tests the EFP in a field where the EU is proudly vocal about its strength) and one case which is in the field of core politics and security. The latter becomes even more important because of the nature and the capacities of the EFP, which has been identified as significantly weaker in military terms, compared to its economic capabilities, giving space to criticism about the broader capacities of the EFP.
In the economic sphere, the negotiations for the signing of a Free Trade Agreement are an obvious focal point, since the EU-GCC Cooperation Agreement, which is the legal basis of this bi-regional relationship since late 1980s, has called for these FTA talks. Alongside (and due to) the discussions for a FTA, the two parties have initiated a dialogue and various channels of
cooperation regarding the region-building process (especially in the economic realm) in the Gulf region. Therefore, central EFP instruments, namely technical assistance and the political support for region-building processes, are associated with this case. Beyond the cooperation of the technocrats and the ruling elites, this broader issue of economic cooperation is a case in which the