Respuestas elaboradas

Many leading authorities on religion and ritual have taken functionalism as the most adequate approach to explain rituals. Most anthropologists such as Bronisław Malinowski, Radcliffe-Brown, Evans-Pritchard, Clyde Kluckholm, Talcott Parsons, Edmund Leach and Levi Strauss, adopted a functional approach to explain ritual and religion (Collins, 2004). Most functional explanations of ritual attempt to explain it in relation to the needs and maintenance of the society. Society functions adequately only if necessary requirements are satisfied and it is further asserted that ritual satisfies needs (Collins, 2004).

Lawson and MacCauley (1990) suggest that if rituals were devoid of any function it would be unnecessary to transmit them. Therefore, the fact that rituals are transmitted means that they are of importance to the society. It is this recurrence of the Varemba initiation ritual that makes it effective in conveying norms and values of the society. Axel (2006) views rituals as creating an auratic sphere or arena of timelessness and immortality. Being timeless means that rituals are not lifeless relics of the past, but can be useful to infinity to transform societies in the fight against HIV and AIDS pandemic.

68 2.8.3 Downplaying Indigenous Religions

African traditional religions were looked down upon in scientific circles due to the perception that traditional religions had nothing of value to contribute in providing solutions to problems of health. Mbiti (1996) maintains a similar stance by arguing that African religions and philosophy must admit defeat, because they have failed to provide solutions to human loss, immortality and death. Therefore, according to Mbiti, African traditional religions cannot remain tribal and nationalistic since they provide no message of redemption or escape from human predicament.

This research turns to Mbiti’s views to show contrary views about indigenous religions and to use such views as background to provide valid link to the role of religion, on issues of health and well-being. The premise is that African traditional religions, puberty rituals in particular, could be a possible resource in the fight against HIV and AIDS and should not be viewed with negativity.

2.8.4 Shortcomings of Scientific Strategies

Moreover, this study builds on the shortcomings of scientific strategies to HIV prevention. Ebron (2011) affirms the inadequacy of medical science and technology in addressing certain issues of health and illness that afflict African communities. According to Chavhunduka (1977), biomedicine failed because it is removed from the socio-cultural context of health and illness. In a similar view, Ntseane (2004) in his studies of HIV and AIDS strategies in Botswana notes that the best strategy is to engage people meaningfully in analysing their cultures to devise meaningful strategies to curb HIV and AIDS related problems.

There is a consensus among scholars that biomedicine on its own is inadequate in HIV prevention strategies. Several scholars for example, Mburu (1991), Ranger (1981) and Good (1987) agree that biomedicine was introduced in Africa in a patronising and imperialistic manner with the aim of compelling indigenous people to abandon the so called ‘unscientific’ medical ideas and to advance colonial economic interests and subordinate Africans to the interest of capitalism. According to Barbee (1986), this is the reason why modern sciences have negative views towards the African people’s understanding of HIV and AIDS, creating the impression that the traditional and modern approaches to the epidemic are undesirable. In his research on biomedicine and ethno-medicine, Barbee (1986) notes that a vast number of researchers and

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practitioners from the modern science fraternity and biomedical schools of thought tend to dismiss traditional beliefs on HIV and AIDS as inaccurate and false. A study of the Varemba initiation rituals could show that traditional religions and cultural beliefs have positive contributions to make towards the health and well-being of the people. This research shows that biomedicine on its own cannot complete the puzzle, there has to be mutuality, with both sides complementing each other in the prevention of HIV.

Jackson (2002) avers that modern medical practitioners are deeply opposed to traditional healers because they are often faced with the problem of treating patients traditional healers have failed to assist. This research shows awareness of some alleged harmful effects of religious practices that may exacerbate the possibility of spreading HIV as alluded to in the “Men, HIV AIDS”

report (2004), that both traditional culture and some religious practices have contributed to the spread of HIV. Berer and Ray (1993) who studied traditional practices in most African countries point out that culture and some religious practices contribute to the spread of HIV. Among these practices are tattooing, incisions, ritual scarification and circumcision, all of which are associated with HIV infection. Conversely, this study engages the cultural practice of circumcision and initiation to establish the possibility of working contrary to that and to find out how it can help to prevent the spread of HIV by harnessing and reformulating it in the fight against the pandemic.

Although modern sciences blame Africans in general, their traditional religions and ethno-medicine as observed by Pretorius (1991), and Neuman, and Lauro (1982) that African indigenous religions have much to offer, for example, through puberty rituals. A phenomenological investigation may show that the Karanga people have many different ways of explaining health and illness, particularly HIV and AIDS, and they provide solutions to the prevention of the disease. It follows therefore that a constructive dialogue and an effective collaboration with African culture can achieve far more than either side working in isolation.

2.8.5 The Value of Health to the Africans

The subject of HIV and AIDS is important because the lives of people matter. Mutambirwa (1989) stresses that the immense value placed on life by the Africans determine the value they place on health. He observes that perceptions of health, the cause of disease and the management thereof all emanate from the people’s views of life. The question of the aetiology of disease

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shows that the Karanga people’s intrinsic conviction about issues of health and well-being emanate from their beliefs, which make it plausible to search for solutions to the problem of HIV and AIDS in their religious traditions. The strong adherence of the Varemba people to the divine through initiation rituals is because they perceive that they are powerless, helpless and vulnerable to the natural and supernatural forces of the universe (Mutambirwa, 1989). The main characteristic of the Varemba initiation ceremony is the effort to immerse the initiate into the sacred reality for full protection. Shoko (2007) maintains that the provision of healthcare among the Karanga people is inseparable from their philosophy of life. His research places issues of health, illness and the rites of circumcision in a religious and cultural context by arguing that the Karanga people find solutions for health issues in their culture and religion. This research finds justification in Shoko’s arguments to pursue cultural responses to the prevention of HIV, especially when understanding the need for health by the Karanga people includes the need to comprehend their perception of health problems and concepts of life.

The acceptability of puberty rituals on HIV and AIDS intervention strategies is one reason for harnessing spiritual favours through performance of rituals. The reason is to seek divine favour and protection from those events that threaten the existence of humanity. In his research on health and well-being, Shoko (2007) opines that the cause of disease is witchcraft, spirits, socio-moral and natural causes. In a discussion of the cultural traditions of the Varemba people of Mberengwa, Shoko points out that the Karanga people find solutions for diseases and illness in their religion. The major cause of illness is witchcraft. Witches and sorcerers are the major instigators of disease (Shoko, 2007). This view is supported by Yoder (1982) who notes that the Karanga people believe in the natural and supernatural causes of illness. Yoder (1982) suggests that religious healing is based on the premise that health is supernaturally given and maintained and that disease and illness is supernaturally caused. This implies that the spiritual realm plays a major role in the lives of the Karanga people (Bourdillon, 1987; Gelfand, 1965; Shoko, 2007;

Makwasha, 2010).

The strict adherence and the imperativeness of ritual in an African society emanate from their view of the world (Bourdillon, 1987). In the Karanga culture, witches are a threat to the health and well-being of every human being. One may perform acts of witchcraft ignorantly, meaning that one may unwittingly injure others. When one becomes conscious of acts of witchcraft he/she

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may cause injury out of malice, aimless viciousness or envy, even to those whose health and well-being he/she has interest in (Gelfand, 1965).

Shoko (2007) and Gelfand (1964) stresses that the Shona people’s health and well-being is at the mercy of witches who are believed to be insidious and who possess charms to harm anyone.

According to Bourdillon (1987), witches and sorcerers are malicious people who may cause the illness and death of their victims for no valid reason. Their acts emanate from pure and unjustified malice. Gelfand (1964) holds the same opinion in his studies about the witches and sorcerers in the Karanga culture; he notes that both witches and sorcerers are capable of harming others through magical means. The concept of the numinous and strict adherence to the ritual in the Varemba initiation ritual emanate from the fear of such malicious forces. This knowledge informs the current research that the Karanaga people have a strong conviction that the source of disease and illness is in their beliefs and religion. It is therefore reasonable to search for solutions to the problems of HIV and AIDS from within their belief system. These scholars focused on disease in general. However, this research uses this valuable information to justify the need for religious and cultural solutions to the problem of HIV and AIDS in an attempt to harness traditional religious practices towards HIV prevention strategies. The views are summarised by Mbiti (1996:73) who observes that:

For Africans, this world is a religious universe, an invisible cosmos of spiritual beings presses hard upon them and African people see the universe, than they look at or feel the visible and tangible world.

The evidence provided shows that the Shona people are in constant confrontation with their religious universe, therefore, they always refer back to it for disease and illness. Whilst most of the scholars attempt to find explanations for disease and illness from the religious worldview of the African people, they fail to ponder on the rites of puberty. Shoko, when researching circumcision among the Karanga people, does not focus on HIV and AIDS prevention, but on the components of the ritual in general. It is this lacuna in knowledge, which this research seeks to fill. The current study is informed by the question whether there is a possibility of redirecting puberty rituals and practices towards HIV and AIDS prevention.

72 2.8.6 Morality in African Indigenous Religions

Magesa (1998) and Mutsvairo (1996) raise important views that offer fresh ideas about the Varemba initiation ritual. They argue that aspects of morality are intimately connected to the religious beliefs of the Africans and every stage of puberty rituals has ethics that are conveyed to the initiates. The perspective that health is supernaturally determined points towards the maintenance of essential moral norms guarded by various spiritual agents. Reward and punishment mediated by spiritual entities always occur in Karanga religion (Shoko, 2007). It follows therefore that health and well-being among the Karanga people should be understood in the context of the view that Africans live in a world enthused by spirits who uphold moral order.

For that reason, illness does not just occur; it has to be explained from the Karanga people’s worldview. Therefore, the Karanga people’s view of the world should be the starting point to understand HIV and AIDS and the possible solutions. The affected person could have offended the supernatural powers by neglecting his ritual duties or by breaking taboos or exhibiting anti-social behaviour.

On a similar note, Magesa (1998) holds the view that it is very difficult to grasp the religion of an African without understanding the position occupied by the ancestral spirits. After all, they are believed to be the watchdogs of moral behaviour, anti-life attitudes of the individual, family, clan and the society as a whole (Magesa, 1998). African indigenous religions have a role to play in shaping the moral values of the society. The views raised are useful in showing the value of the spirit world in determining the behaviour of the individual and instilling moral order is society.

Mutambirwa (1989) and Gelfand (1987) maintain that the concept of morality and immorality and the Karanga traditional beliefs correlate. They agree that morality and purity of mind go hand in hand with good health; immorality is associated with ill health. This view means that illness in the Karanga worldview is inextricably connected to socially approved behaviour and moral conduct. This view is conversely different from biomedicine, which seems to operate externally from the social relations that produce it (Chavhunduka, 1977). Yoder (1982) posits that with its positivist roots and neglect of its own history, medical science and technology has ignored the socio-cultural context of its own theory and practice. This research in determining whether HIV and AIDS is caused by moral or immoral behaviours would be linking disease and

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illness to the socio-cultural context of the people. This position assists to show whether rituals are determinants of moral and immoral behaviour and provide therapeutic solutions to the problem of health and illness that is prevalent in society.

Consequently, understanding the morality of the Karanga people and their perception of the spiritual cosmology that enforces their emotional and behavioural commitment require an examination of their view of the world and ethos contained in their religious symbols such as rituals. This creates a caveat through which this research could coerce the African people to appreciate the controlling motivations of their values and attitudes.

The Karanga people believe that the sky is filled with a plethora of spirits arranged in a hierarchical order and responsible for immoral retribution. Makwasha (2010) states that the hierarchy in the sky is understood by the Karanga people to be the origin and meaning of values, norms, health, misfortune, family and good life and good health. When the universe is not in order, there is disharmony on earth and the universe may respond by summoning thunder, drought, diseases, and plagues in pursuit of justice (Mbiti, 1991). This retributive justice shapes attitudes and dispositions of individuals to adjust to the dictates of the universe. The punitive role of the universe and its ways of inspiring certain ethics in the individual is useful in moulding the behaviours of the initiates.

Gelfand (1987) discusses at large the Karanga people’s perception of the religious cosmos and this study resonates with his examination of the attributes of the Supreme Being, which helps this study to explain the autonomous solidarity and the obligatory nature of the Varemba circumcision and initiation rites. Gefand (1987) states that at the apex of the Karanga concept of the universe is the sky where the supreme deity is believed to reside, which the Karanga people call by an assortment of names that determine their attitudes towards him. They call him Mwari, Wokumusoro, Nyadenga (one who resides in the sky), meaning that he is sovereign, everything emanates from him. The Karanga people do not lose sight of an influential, potent and creative force whose origin and destiny is never known. Mwari is regarded by the Karanga people as Musikavanhu (the creator) and the owner of the world and everything in it. He is regarded as the ultimate court of appeal of all spirits and human beings. Mwari is also understood to possess the supreme power that binds all things existing in the universe in solidarity. It is evident therefore that in the Karanga world view, any profound event, illness or anything that goes beyond their

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scope of understanding is attributed to Mwari or other spiritual entities. The research aims at discussing the Varemba ritual and explains how such beliefs determine individuals’ attitudes regarding the ideals of their society. It is the strong belief in the Supreme Being that determines moral proscription and the efficacy of the Varemba initiation ritual as a vehicle of culture.

In the initiation ritual, the Varemba people link circumcision with sexuality, all of which are derived from the Supreme Being (Maposa, 2013). This view is based on Bourdillon (1979)’s argument when he affirms that Mwari in Karanga culture is referred to as the provider of life, Dzivaguru [great pool] a word with connotations of fertility. Mwari is the provider of rain, which nurtures all living things on earth. The Karanga people rely on Mwari for happiness and security through his rain. Rain in Karanga religion is also a symbol of spiritual well-being and a manifestation of a smooth social order. This means that the Karanga people rely on Mwari on all matters affecting their lives and well-being. The idea links with the fertility symbols of the Varemba initiation ritual that this study pursues for strategies towards the prevention of HIV.

The Karanga worldview depicts a plethora of religious objects, which influence their lives, health and illness. Gelfand (1987) provides an analysis of the Karanga worldview with a slant to justify the reasons why the indigenous people cannot do without their religion in all matters affecting their lives. Gelfand metaphorically traces the name of the Karanga Supreme Being Mwari from the word mweya [air]. This could mean that the people cannot do without Mwari in as much as they cannot do without mweya. On the other hand, human beings have within themselves part of the life force of the Supreme Being, mweya, who makes an individual a living person. The spiritual bond of mweya existing between human beings and the supreme power provides a bond that cannot be broken. This compels the Karanga people to keep on relying on Mwari and their religion as the source of life and health. The power of the Supreme Being is all-pervasive; if one breaks taboos or violates some prohibitions, he is liable to punishment through illness or bad luck (Owomoyela, 2002). The concepts of punishment and reward, which are prevalent in the Varemba initiation ritual, are useful in explaining some restrictive measures imposed on people who disobey norms and values of the society. This explains how the Varemba society minimises mischief in individuals. The retributive measures act as a guide towards societal expectations. The Varemba society has structures to control group behaviour. According to Bourdillon (1987), the contravention could be intentional, unintentional, or unknown to the

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violator, but the violator will still evoke punishment, harm or illness and its effects may spread to other members of the society. This therefore means that illness in Karanga religion does not only

violator, but the violator will still evoke punishment, harm or illness and its effects may spread to other members of the society. This therefore means that illness in Karanga religion does not only