Resultado Consolidado Participativo – Reintegración

A continuity of papal traditions toward the Jews of Rome and biblical Judaism, which were first observed in the papal reign of Eugenius III (r. 1145-1153), persevered through the reign of Alexander III (r. 1159-1181). Alexander’s ritual entrance into the city and intra-mural processions, conducted as a papal adventus, and the papal ritual at the high altar of the Lateran basilica during the Holy Thursday mass, both pointed to an enduring tradition of acknowledging the Church’s claim of theological and physical inheritance of the Old Covenant of the ancient Hebrews. The Roman Jews’ acclamation of Alexander in Hebrew, their presentation of the Torah to the pope, and the pope’s decree of Sicut Judaeis to them indicated a continuation of the papal/Jewish relationship established between Eugenius III and the Roman Jews; however, Alexander’s employment of the Roman Jew Jechiel as his

senescalcus, his steward, suggests a closer association. Nevertheless, toward the end of Alexander III’s reign in 1179, several decrees of the Third Lateran Council, presided over by Alexander, added further restrictions to the lives of the Jews in Christendom. All of these individual events suggest that Alexander, like his predecessor Eugenius III, held a multi-faceted and complex mixture of attitudes toward the Jews. This evidence also points without doubt to the unique nature of the relationship between the papacy and the Jews from 1145 through 1181, and the special relationship of these two popes to the Roman Jews. During the same period, these popes repeatedly promulgated the Church’s claim to possess the

completeness of the Old and the New Covenants, including the incomparable relics of biblical Judaism, the Temple Treasures.

The same political forces that had buffeted the papal reign of Eugenius III, especially the Roman Commune and the Holy Roman Emperor, continued to confront the three popes who followed him: Anastasius IV (r. 1153-1154) , Adrian IV (r. 1154-1159), and Alexander III. Anastasius IV remained in Rome throughout his brief papacy;¹ however, Adrian IV spent nearly half of his reign outside of the city because of the danger to him in Rome. Adrian devoted much of his papacy to negotiations with the Holy Roman Emperor Frederick I

Barbarossa r. 1152-1190), William I, king of Sicily (r. 1154-1168), and the Roman Commune, in his struggle to maintain his authority in Rome, the Patrimony, and Christendom. ² Adrian also authorized military actions against certain territories in the Patrimony to preserve his rule and counter powerful noblemen, following the precedent set by the reforming papacies since the mid-eleventh century.³ By the reign of Alexander, the papal relationship with the Roman

1 According to the Regesta (II:89-102), Anastasius IV remained in Rome throughout his entire reign, from July 1153 to December 1154. Perhaps his Roman origins enabled him to gain the favor of the Commune and remain in Rome. Robinson states, in The Papacy (xi), that out of the sixteen popes elected between 1099 and 1198, only five were Romans, including Anastasius IV. In addition, Robinson notes (147) that during the papal schism of 1130-1138, Anastasius, as Conrad, cardinal bishop of Sabina, had acted as Innocent II’s papal vicar in Rome while Innocent was in exile in France, perhaps indicating his ability to deal diplomatically with the Romans.

Anastasius’s familiarity with Roman politics and powerful families undoubtedly served him well, but events also suggest that as pope he acquiesced to certain demands that his predecessor had refused, thus enabling him to remain in office unmolested. Robinson, The Papacy, 462.

2 At the start of his reign, Adrian faced opposition from the Roman Commune, which had been inflamed by the preaching of Arnold of Brescia. Adrian decisively used the special powers of the papacy to eliminate Arnold of Brescia from the Roman scene by imposing an Interdict on the city of Rome during Holy Week, 1155. That highly effective papal act would have withheld the sacraments from all Christians in the city, and drove the Commune to exile Arnold from Rome. Frederick’s forces, then in Italy, arrested Arnold and placed him in the custody of the Prefect of Rome, who executed Arnold, burned the corpse, and dumped the ashes into the Tiber.

Diplomatic negotiations with Frederick Barbarossa resulted in Adrian’s coronation of the emperor at St. Peter’s in June 1155, but the Commune refused to allow either the pope or the emperor to enter Rome afterward. For further details of Adrian IV’s extensive diplomatic efforts to maintain his power and authority throughout his reign, see Robinson, The Papacy, 462-472 and Adrian IV The English Pope (1154-1159) ed. by Brenda Bolton and Anne J. Duggan,Church, Faith and Culture in the Medieval West (Aldershot: Ashgate, 2003). Another antagonist in the multi-faceted and long-term conflict between the papacy and the German emperor was the Norman kingdom of Sicily. A full description of that situation will not be presented here, but the Norman kings’

threatening presence in the papal Patrimony, and perceived threat to both Byzantine and German imperial claims in Italy, shows the complexity of the political milieu in Italy in the latter twelfth century.

3 Brenda Bolton, “Nova familia beati Petri. Adrian IV and the Patrimony,” in Adrian IV The English Pope (1154-1159), 157-158, 162. Bolton describes (159-160) the makeup of the “Patrimony of St. Peter” and

commune and Holy Roman Emperor had deteriorated to the point that Alexander was forced to spend most of his papacy outside of Rome. Although he ruled as pope for nearly twenty-three years, he only spent about thirty-two months in the city of Rome.⁴

Even though the three popes who ruled after Eugenius were of different origins and temperaments, a continuity between papal reigns characterized the papacies of Eugenius III, Anastasius IV, Adrian IV, and Alexander III. Just before his election, Anastasius served Eugenius III in the Curia as cardinal bishop of Sabina, and Adrian, Nicolas Breakspear, had served Eugenius as legate to Scandinavia and cardinal bishop of Albano. Eugenius brought Roland of Siena, the future pope Alexander III, to Rome probably in 1148, and elevated him to cardinal priest of S. Marco and cancellarius in May 1153.⁵ Cardinal Roland continued to serve Anastasius and Adrian as cancellarius until Roland’s election to the papacy on

September 7, 1159.⁶

Despite that continuity between papacies, apparently no record has been found of either Anastasius or Adrian re-issuing Sicut Judaeis to the Jews of Rome or initiating contact with that group. Still, Anastasius probably did process through the city in his coronation adventus and during the Easter Monday adventus, in which the Jews would have participated.

Also, according to Susan Twyman, it is highly likely that Adrian participated in papal adventus more than once during his papacy, and most probably on Easter Monday 1155, and

Adrian’s efforts to maintain the territories traditionally under papal rule since the late-eighth century Carolingian era.

4 Unlike Eugenius, who spent much of his exile in France, Alexander lived in exile in various friendly cities in Italy, particularly Ferentino, Anagni, and Benevento. Regesta II:145-418.

5 Colin Morris, The Papal Monarchy, The Western church from 1050 to 1250 (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1989), 193. John T. Noonan, Jr., “Who was Rolandus?” in Law, Church, and Society, Essays in Honor of Stephan Kuttner, ed. by Kenneth Pennington and Robert Somerville (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1977), 43. According to Robinson, the cancellarius “directed the work of the group of notaries and scriptores who formed the papal secretariat.” Robinson, The Papacy, 93.

6 Robinson, The Papacy, 94.

in November 1156 when he returned to the city after a period of exile. At a certain point in the procession through Rome, the Roman Jews would have presented their Torah to the pope and acclaimed him in Hebrew.⁷

During Alexander’s reign, his acknowledgements of biblical Judaism and his relationship with Roman Jews indicated not only a continuation of Eugenius III’s attitudes, but also an increased emphasis on the papal-Jewish relationship and a heightened focus on biblical Judaism. At the mid-twelfth century, the papal Holy Thursday ritual conducted at the Lateran high altar indicated that the altar structure surrounded the ark of the covenant, the most powerful and venerable of the Temple Treasures. That ritual continued a Lateran tradition that apparently had originated in the late eleventh century.⁸ By the early thirteenth century, the identification of the high altar had changed to an association with the altar of St.

Peter rather than the ark.⁹ Evidently a close connection between the main or high altar of the Lateran basilica and the ark persisted in the latter half of the twelfth century while other events focused attention in Rome on biblical Judaism. Alexander’s papal adventus of 1165 and John the Deacon’s revision of the DLE that he dedicated to Alexander, both point toward an acclerated papal focus on biblical Judaism and the Temple Treasures in the second half of the twelfth century.

Alexander’s presentation of Sicut Judaeis to the Roman Jews continued papal

tradition, but his employment of the Roman Jew Jechiel as his senescalcus indicated a closer bond with the Roman Jews than in previous papal reigns. That special bond would fracture as

7 Susan E. Twyman, “Summus Pontifex. The Ritual and Ceremonial of the Papal Court,” in Adrian IV The English Pope, 70-73.

8 De Blaauw, “The Solitary Celebration,” 121.

9 James M. Powell, “Honorius III’s ‘Sermo in dedicatione ecclesie Lateranensis’ and the Historical-Liturgical Traditions of the Lateran,” Archivum Historiae Pontificiae 21 (1938), 203.

the twelfth century turned into the thirteenth, restrictions on the Jews increased, and accusations against them spread. The relationship between Eugenius III and the Jews, and Alexander III and the Jews signified a brief and unique period of papal/Jewish relations.

The Holy Thursday Ritual and the Temple Treasures

During the Eucharistic liturgy of the mass on Holy Thursday, the commemoration of the Last Supper of Jesus, a special papal ritual called attention to the Jewish Temple Treasures in the Lateran high altar and reinforced the Lateran basilica’s connection to biblical

Judaism.¹⁰ From its establishment in the fourth century, the Lateran basilica had been associated with biblical Judaism, the Temple, and the Old Testament.¹¹ The first apparent mention of the special ritual at the high altar was mentioned by Bonizo of Sutri circa 1095, who described the removal of the top horizontal slab of the high altar, the mensa, during the Holy Thursday mass before the blessing of the chrism:

As for today, during the Lord’s Supper, after celebrating the divine service of the commemoration of the Lord’s body and blood, the mensa is hoisted by the priests and removed from the hollow altar itself, right up to when the oil of exorcism and chrism is blessed by the pope himself.¹²

10 De Blaauw, in “The Solitary Celebration” (121, 125) notes that this ritual was specific to the Holy Thursday papal mass when it was said at the Lateran, thus was directly dependent on the special nature of the Lateran high altar. In the absence of the pope from Rome, a cardinal bishop would conduct the ritual at the Lateran as the pope’s representative. Since Eugenius and Alexander both spent long periods of their papacies outside of Rome, they would not have had many opportunities to perform this particular rite in Rome. Nevertheless, the evidence indicates that Eugenius was in Rome on Holy Thursday of 1150 and 1153, and Alexander may have been able to celebrate it in Rome only five times, in 1161, 1166, 1167, 1178, and 1179. Regesta II:20-89, 145-418

11 Several historical accounts suggested that a continuous tradition existed, through at least the early seventeenth century, that associated the Lateran basilica with biblical Judaism: candelabra donated to the Lateran basilica by Constantine in the fourth century were decorated with images of Old Testament prophets; the tenth-century apse mosaic in the Lateran basilica compared the Church’s rituals to Sinai; and fifteenth and sixteenth-century murals in the Lateran Palace compared the pope to the Old Testament patriarchs. See Chapter II n. 100-103. In the twelfth and thirteenth centuries, the bronze columns of the Lateran high altar were believed to have come from Solomon’s Temple. For the literature supporting that belief, see Jack Freiberg, The Lateran and Clement VIII (Ph.D. Dissertation, New York University, 1988), 454 n. 29.

12 “Quod in cena Domini post dominici corporis et sanguinis celebratam comemorationem, a sacerdotibus violatur, mensaque sublata in ipso altaris concavo usque hodie oleum exorcizatum et crismale ab ipso papa benedicitur.” Bonizo of Sutri, Liber de vita Christiana IV.98.page 165.lines 15-18, edited by Ernst Perels (Berlin:Weidmann, 1930), 165. De Blaauw in “The Solitary Celebration” (123-124) mentions a Roman Ordo

While the ritual may have begun at that time, the special nature of the Lateran high altar was noted perhaps two decades earlier in the Descriptio Lateranensis ecclesiae [DLE], circa 1073.

The author of the DLE mentioned the presence of the ark and other relics within or under the high altar:

And so, in this most holy basilica of the Lateran Savior, which is consecrated by God for Jesus Christ, the head of the world, of the patriarchate and the imperium, of the pontifical seat of the apostolic cathedral, the ark of the law of the Lord is in the altar of his same principal Church, or, as they affirm, the ark is below, and according to the upper altar measurement of length, breadth, and height, the ark is concealed, between four columns of red porphyry, underneath a rich ciborium. In which in fact, the reliquary is immense, but they do not understand what it is, for they do not know its fame. Truly, it is in the altar, above which is wooden with a silver covering, and in the lower part below it, is the following relic: the seven lampstands, which were in the first Tabernacle.

. . . also the clothes of purple of the same Savior and Redeemer; two ampules of blood and water from the side of the Lord. And the circumcision of the lord. . . . Today this same history is clearly understood in the triumphal arch, which is called the Arch of the Seven Lamps, which is shown to have been built next to the Church of S. Maria Nova, in memory of the predictions and the origin of all the Roman people, on which are the candelabra and the ark with its sticks, which were in the first tabernacle, and which have been in the next Temple within the altar cloth, and were understood by the evidence to have been fashioned with marvelous care. ¹³

The production of the original text of the DLE circa 1073 and the late eleventh-century formation of the Holy Thursday ritual indicated a desire to focus attention on the Temple

for the Holy Thursday liturgy from the seventh century that noted the hollow character of the high altar; De Blaauw also suggests that a special ritual with the high altar may have been conducted since that era.

13 “In hac itaque sacrosancta Lateranensi basilica Salvatori Ihesu Christo Deo dicata, quae caput est mundi, quae patriarchalis est et imperialis, sedis est apostolicae cathedrae pontificalis, et eiusdem ecclesiae ara principalis est arca foederis Domini, vel, ut aiunt, arca est inferius, et altare ad mensuram longitudinis, latitudinis et altitudinis arcae conditum est superius, inter quattuor columnas de rubeo porfirio sub quodam pulchro ciborio. In quo quidem, ut asserunt, multum est sanctuarium, sed quale sit non agnoscunt, nam nomen eius nesciunt. In altari vero, quod superius est ligneum de argento coopertum, atque sub eo inferius, est tale sanctuarium: septem candelabra, quae fuerunt in priori tabernaculo. . . . Purpureum vestimentum eiusdem Salvatoris et Redemptoris;

de sanguine et aqua lateris Domini ampullae duae. Et circumcisio Domini. . . . Hoc idem usque hodie liquido perpenditur in triumphali arcu, qui appellatur Septem Lucernarum, qui constructus fuisse probatur ad memoriam praedictorum principum totiusque Romani populi iuxta ecclesiam Sanctae Mariae Novae, in quo candelabra, quae fuerunt in priori tabernaculo, et arca cum vectibus suis, quae fuit in secundo intra velum, manifeste ac mirifico opere sculpta fuisse cernuntur” DLE 336.17 to 337.5, 337.17-19, 341.25 to 342.23.

Treasures in the Lateran high altar; that focus continued and expanded from the middle to the late twelfth century. Because of the unique papal nature of the ritual, and the Lateran origin of the DLE, both probably originated in papal directives, and may well have been an

outgrowth of the popes’ active conflict with the Holy Roman Emperor and struggle for authority in the late eleventh and early twelfth century.¹⁴

The text that Nicolaus Maniacutius wrote circa 1145, the Historia Imaginis Salvatoris [HIS], reiterated many of the same claims of the DLE. Nicolaus listed the Temple Treasures taken from Jerusalem and kept in the Lateran:

At that time, the ark and tablets, the candelabrum and trumpets, and other vessels of the Temple had been carried away to Rome, or at least those vessels that are read about in the Second book of Maccabees or those that had been concealed in another way by the Elders following the restoration of the

Temple, and which obviously appear on the triumphal arch which was erected for the divine Titus, by the son of the divine Vespasian, by the Senate and People of Rome.¹⁵

Nicolaus linked the long past removal of the Temple Treasures from Jerusalem by the Romans to the depiction of the Treasures still evident on the Arch of Titus in the Forum.

With the Roman Commune’s focus on Roman antiquity in the mid 1140s, Nicolaus

deliberately used the awesome power of ancient Rome to support the authority of the Lateran basilica. Near the same time as Nicolaus’s text and through the end of the twelfth century, various Roman texts claimed that the Temple Treasures were in the Lateran high altar.

Moreover, three different Lateran texts, produced from 1139 to 1189, described the elaborate Holy Thursday ritual at the high altar: the Ordo officiorum ecclesiae Lateranensis of Bernard,

14 De Blaauw, “The Solitary Celebration,” 126, 142-143.

15 “Tunc arca, et tabulae, candelabrum, et tubae, atque alia vasa templi Romam delata sunt, seu illa utique, quae Jeremias occultasse in secundo Machabeorum libro legitur, seu alia post restaurationem templi a Patribus sequentibus condita, quod evidenter apparet in arcu triumphali, quem erexit Divo Tito Divi Vespasiani filio Senatus, Populusque Romanus.” HIS, 322.

cardinal and prior of the Lateran canons, circa 1139-1145; the Liber Politicus of Benedict, canon of the Lateran, circa 1140; and the Gesta pauperis scolaris of Albinus, cardinal Bishop of Albano, circa 1189.¹⁶ The span of time covered by these texts coincided with other

expressions of the Church’s inheritance of biblical Judaism, particularly the papal decree of Sicut Judaeis and the Roman Jews’ presentation of the Torah to the pope.

During this era of heightened acknowledgement of biblical Judaism, the Holy Thursday ritual added emphasis, through physical rituals and spatial demonstrations, to the Church’s claim to have the Temple Treasures in the Lateran basilica. The ritual not only indicated that the wooden ark of the covenant was inside the high altar, but also included the display of a special relic of Jesus’s blood that

During this era of heightened acknowledgement of biblical Judaism, the Holy Thursday ritual added emphasis, through physical rituals and spatial demonstrations, to the Church’s claim to have the Temple Treasures in the Lateran basilica. The ritual not only indicated that the wooden ark of the covenant was inside the high altar, but also included the display of a special relic of Jesus’s blood that