Our interviews with both workers and employers show that the experiences of restaurant workers across the in- dustry are not uniform. Further analysis of our data reveals that this is not simply a result of working at differ- ent types of restaurants, or for different employers with different workplace practices. There is a stark division between the treatment and experiences of the workers with front-of-the-house positions and those who work in the back of the house. Additionally, factors such as gender, race, ethnicity, national origin, and immigration status have a significant impact on the nature and quality of the experiences of restaurant workers.
Our research indicates that:
« Jobs in the restaurant industry are divided between those in the front of the house and those in the back of the house. Earnings, benefits and workplace conditions differ considerably between the two.
« White and U.S.-born workers are employed primarily in front-of-the-house positions, while the vast majority of immigrant restaurant workers are found in the back of the house. As a re- sult, the impacts of poor working conditions in the back of the house fall disproportionately on workers of color.
« Race appears to be correlated with wages in the restaurant industry. « Many employers discriminate in hiring and promotion.
« Many workers reported experiencing verbal abuse based on race, gender, or language. There were also many that reported being disciplined more often or more severely based on their race or gender.
« The informal economy is important to the restaurant industry. According to employers, undoc- umented workers are found in significant numbers in the industry because they are more likely to work for lower wages and under worse conditions.
A. Summary of Findings
The nature and quality of restaurant work in Miami-Dade depends on a number of factors, including the type of restaurant, its location, and the employer. It also depends on the type of job and the value the employer places on the work performed. Our worker and employer data indicate that wages and working conditions also depend on a worker’s race, gender, national origin, and immigration status.
Our research suggests that occupational segregation and discrimination, both direct and indirect, is prevalent in the Miami-Dade restaurant industry. Historical discrimination as well as migration inflows, both old and new, from Latin America and the Caribbean is compounded by current structural inequity and discrimination in the indus- try. These factors result in the fact that those with livable-wage jobs in the industry are disproportionately White, and those with low-wage jobs are disproportionately immigrants and people of color. Discrimination based on race means that some groups of workers have “good” jobs while the overwhelming majority have “bad” jobs. While the public at large is generally most familiar with direct forms of discrimination, indirect discrimination – which occurs when seemingly neutral policies have a disproportionate impact on a particular group – is more widespread, insidi- ous, and difficult to remedy.
Because workers’ experiences of discrimination were not the primary focus of this study, our surveys and interviews provide only a glimpse into these issues. The Miami-Dade Restaurant Industry Coalition plans to conduct addi- tional research in this area and strongly encourages both industry and worker analysts and advocates to pay greater attention to these issues.
B. Segregation by Occupation and Industry Segment in Miami-Dade Res-
taurants
“In [Restaurant Name] you walk in the kitchen you see Mexicans, Hispanics. In the dining room you’ll see Italian males, some African Americans, and I’d say two or three Hispanics. As a host you’re going to see a wannabe Barbie. That’s pretty much it.” – Male, Latino, 7 years in the industry, Server “Bussers [are] African American males. Food runners [are] Hispanic. Servers [are] White or White Hispanic males. Host is male or female. Managers always White male.” – Male, Latino, 8 years in
the industry, Server
“Everyone I ever worked for was all males. I guess Caucasian looking from New York or Texas.” –
Female, White, 15 years in the industry, Bartender
Jobs in the restaurant industry essentially fall into one of three categories: front-of-the-house workers, back-of-the- house workers, and managerial and supervisory positions. Our research indicates that workers’ positions within this hierarchy are correlated with their earnings, benefits, opportunities for training and advancement, and working condi- tions. Despite the fact that front-of-the-house positions do not require higher education or credentials than back-of- the-house positions, front-of-the-house workers generally earn higher wages and have greater opportunities to increase their earnings through tips. One stark indicator of this disparity is the likelihood of earning a livable wage. While 18.5% of front-of-the-house workers reported a livable wage (at least $17.63 per hour), only 2.6% of back-of-the-house workers did. Conversely, we found the majority of back-of-the-house workers to be amongst the working poor. While 22.2% of front-of-the-house workers surveyed fell under the poverty line, 51.9% of back-of-the-house workers fell into this category. Moreover, 76% of back-of-the-house workers were uninsured but they were more exposed to risk than front-of-the-house workers. Over half (51.7%) of back-of-the-house workers had been burned compared to 31.5% of workers in the front of the house.53
There are, of course, some differences in wages and work quality among positions within each side of the house. For ex- ample, although both occupations would be classified as front-of-the-house positions, compensation and working con- ditions differ considerably between bussers and waiters. However, our analysis found the starkest disparities between front and back-of-the-house positions. The median hourly wage reported by front-of-the-house workers was $12.07, while back-of-the-house median wages were $8.75 per hour.
Our survey data also shows high concentrations of White workers in front-of-house positions, and high concentra- tions of workers of color in back-of-the-house positions (see Table 13). Moreover, our survey data shows significant differences between Latinos of Mexican or Central American descent from the rest of Latinos. This difference will be discussed in greater detail in part C of this chapter. Our survey data indicates that race influences position and thus wages, benefits and exposure to risk. In Miami, sixty-seven percent (66.7%) of all White workers surveyed worked in the front of the house, while 53.8% of Latinos not of Mexican or Central American descent, 31.9% of Mexican or Central American Latinos, 23.1% of non-Haitian Black workers, and only 13.1% of Haitian workers had front-of-the- house positions. A Latina server and bartender with five years in the industry observed the existence of segregation in her experience: “In most of the restaurants I’ve worked in, there’s a clear structure [of] cultural and racial stratification. The people in the front of the restaurant are White and speak English. The bussers or barbacks are mostly Latino, Hai- tian, people of color, who in many cases don’t speak English. Same in the kitchen: Haitians, Latinos, mostly Central Americans. And the maintenance and cleaning positions, also people of color, Black people, Latinos.” Other workers also told us their workplace showed signs of racial segregation by position. A male White immigrant server with three years industry experience stated, “The bussers are Latino, male. The food runners are also male Latino. The servers are two Latino, one male and one female, one White female and I think 8 White males. Managers: both White males.” A Latino line cook with 9 years in the industry told us, “Servers are mainly White and Hispanic and the bussers and back are all Haitians.”
TABLE 13: Distribution of Job Type by Race/Ethnicity
White Mexican or Cen-tral American
Latino Other Latino
Non-Haitian
Black Haitian All Workers Front-of-the-
house Workers 66.7% 31.9% 53.8% 23.1% 13.1% 40.0% Back-of-the-house
Workers 33.3% 68.1% 46.2% 76.9% 86.9% 60.0% Total 100% 100% 100% 100% 100% 100%
Source: Miami-Dade Restaurant Industry Coalition survey data
Our findings are consistent with research on cities across the country. Discrimination persists in service industry occupations that involve high levels of face-to-face interaction with customers. This face-to-face interaction is at the heart of the work that front-of-the-house restaurant workers perform.54