5. METODOLOGIA
6.2. EJECUCION DE ESTUDIO ECONÓMICO BASÁNDOSE EN BENEFICIO-
6.2.6. Estado de resultados
From a customary Māori perspective taonga were not „owned‟ in the western sense, instead people were the kaitiaki of objects (Tapsell 1997: 343, 363). From a
traditional standpoint the role of kaitiaki, remains the preserve of the iwi, hapū or whānau to which the taonga is affiliated (Burrows 2007: 169). However the majority of taonga Māori objects in museums no longer have their kōrero (provenance) attached. There is a duty of care to these and all objects deposited within museums; therefore museums have assumed the role of „kaitiaki by proxy.‟ Current board member of the Tairāwhiti Museum and long time advocate of the Museum, Ingrid
12 See Sully (2007) for discussions relating to the use of holistic approaches to the care of taonga Māori, and more specifically wharenui, in overseas collections held in Chicago (the wharenui Ruatepupuke), London (the wharenui Hinemihi ) and Germany (the two wharenui Rauru and Te Wharepuni a Maui).
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Searancke, states that although the kaitiaki role stays with the whānau, hapū or iwi, the Museum and representatives have a role to ensure that the appropriate care and use of taonga is observed for all taonga Māori housed within (Ingrid Searancke in Butts 2003: 296).
Some museums have staff with the specific job title „Kaitiaki Māori.‟ The role of kaitiaki Māori is unique in that they have to mediate between the western ideas of preservation and conservation responsibilities inherent in stewardship, with the conceptual requirements of objects (Tamarapa 1996: 160). These requirements may at times appear to oppose western approaches to care, however the research
undertaken by Clavir indicates that kaitiaki do not feel they have to preserve the physical integrity of an object at the expense of the objects cultural integrity (Clavir 2002: 244).
The role of the kaitiaki as bridge between the Māori community and the museum involves attending functions of significance to Māori such as tangihanga (funerals) or relevant hui (meetings) (Tamarapa 1996: 167-168). Te Reo Māori (the Māori language) is an important asset for the role of kaitiaki as this is the predominant language used in formal settings such as tangi and hui. However, as discussed by conservator Rose Evans in Clavir (2002) lack of fluency in te reo does not impinge on the ability of collection stewards to provide tika (correct) care. Kaitiaki may also provide conservation advice, training and treatment work within the Māori
community (Clavir 2002: 220). Such services are important in the preservation of heritage objects still maintained by iwi, such as carvings and photos in wharenui (meeting houses) and objects held within whānau (Clavir 2002: 220; Simpson 1996:107-109).
Thus the position of museum kaitiaki is a specialised role including collection stewardship, negotiating with communities and working with kaumātua (elders who are knowledgeable of Māori culture and protocol), iwi, hapū , whānau and kotahi tangata (Clavir 2002: 231-232). However the principles of kaitiakitanga can be applied by any individual who is dedicated to providing taonga with the standard of care consistent with the principles of mātauranga Māori. Arguably the application of kaitiakitanga is more straightforward for those Māori that have been steeped in
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tikanga practices from birth, and who may be more easily accepted within Māori communities (particularly if they are affiliated to the local iwi). However, as discussed by Valerie Carson, Vickie-Ann Heikell and Rangi Te Kanawa (in Clavir 2002: 235-236) providing the correct care of taonga is about learning what is acceptable within the rohe (region) served by the museum and of being respectful; capabilities which are universally achievable.
2.4.3 Tikanga
A main element of kaitiakitanga is the application of tikanga (customary
philosophy), which is the use of the correct kawa (protocols). It should be noted that different iwi, hapū, whānau and individuals have differing approaches to tikanga. For example some individuals will not carry food (deemed noa, profane) into storage areas, whereas some individuals will do this in an attempt to negate the effects the tapu of the taonga may have on them (Jody Wyllie 2006, 12 September: Pers. comm.). From a Māori perspective, transgression of tikanga can have serious consequences for the wellbeing of the individual or group involved, and for the integrity of the object (Mead 2003:7).
Special consideration for the care of taonga Māori that takes tikanga (protocol) into consideration has been increasingly implemented in New Zealand museums over the past 30 years, for example in the mid 1990s Te Papa restricted food from the areas of taonga Māori storage (Tamarapa 1996: 165). Some museums allow visitors to lay koha (gifts, tributes) such as greenery by objects, as is done with the highly revered taonga Uenuku in the Te Awamutu Museum. Other museums allow iwi, hapū or whānau to access storerooms and at times handle certain objects without gloves (Clavir 2002: 222-224, 239).
Approaches to tikanga include storage considerations, such as the separation of objects like kōiwi (human remains), into wāhi tapu (sacred spaces), as is practice at Te Papa (Dion Pieta 2007, 1 June: Pers. comm.) and the Tairāwhiti Museum (2007). Also hand washing bowls, used to counteract tapu, have been introduced in the storage areas of museums where taonga Māori is stored and displayed (Clavir 2002: 244; Tamarapa 1996: 165). It has also become common practice to allow Māori to borrow objects they are affiliated with, for events such as ceremonies. This maintains
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their contextual and cultural relevance, and from a Māori perspective, their warmth and familial connections (Clavir 2002: 227; McKenzie 1990: 172).
2.4.4 The Ethical and Pragmatic Drivers behind the Holistic care of Taonga