Resultados para Primer Objetivo Específico: “Reconocer el estado del

METHODOLOGY

While Chapter Three provided an overview of the literature on Black male teachers, the purpose of Chapter Four is to explore the methodology and methods I used to investigate the constructed identities and pedagogical styles of Black male

kindergarten teachers. I start by re-introducing the research questions for this study and providing a rationale for qualitative research. Then, I describe how I selected my research participants and provide a brief description of my research participants for this study. I also engage a discussion explaining why I selected qualitative research and the specified research methodology I selected. Finally, I explain my data collection methods, data analysis procedures, researcher’s positionality, trustworthiness of the research, and the limitations of the study.

Reintroduction of Research Questions

To determine the constructed identities and pedagogical styles of Black male kindergarten teachers, I reintroduce the following questions that guided this study.

1.) How do Black male kindergarten teachers perceive, and respond to predetermined positioning of Black male teachers as social change agents (i.e., role models and/or father figures)?

2.) What are the constructed identities and pedagogical styles of Black male teachers who influence academic achievement outcomes among Black males?

3.) How do Black male students perceive the identities, the ability to support their academic success, and pedagogical styles of Black male kindergarten teachers? 4.) How do Black family members perceive the identities, the ability to support

students’ academic success, and pedagogical styles of Black male kindergarten teachers?

Role of Qualitative Research

According to Denzin and Lincoln (2005), “qualitative research is a situated activity that locates the observer in the world…and allows the researcher to study things in their natural settings, attempting to make sense of, or interpret, phenomena in terms of the meanings people bring to them” (p. 3). Thus, qualitative research was appropriate for this study because it enabled me, the participant observer/co-constructor, to understand the ‘whys’ and the ‘hows’ of the phenomenon of a relatively small sample population, in this case three Black male kindergarten teachers, as the subjects of examination. For this reason, I did attempt to make broad generalizations about the ‘whys’ and ‘hows’ of all Black male kindergarten teachers; however, I had a specific goal of capturing the ‘whys’ and ‘hows’ or more pointedly, the stories relative to how three Black male teachers in the South constructed their identities and pedagogical styles in kindergarten classrooms.

Because qualitative research allows for the examination of a small sample, it provided opportunities for an in-depth exploration of the ‘whys’ and ‘hows’ of the participants or enabled the researcher to gain a thorough, in-depth understanding of those researched. Patton (2001) posits that the purpose of qualitative research is not so much about the quantity of the exploration but the quality of it.

Qualitative research fits harmoniously with culturally relevant pedagogy and critical race theory in that it enables researchers to capture the voices, stories, and narratives of research participants (Ladson-Billings, 2009; Lynn & Parker, 2006); thus, many

culturally relevant and critical race scholars have taken up qualitative research to explore the pedagogical practices of culturally relevant and critical race pedagogues (Cook, 2013; Ladson-Billings, 1995; 2009; Milner, 2007, 2010; Solórzano & Yosso, 2002). Similarly, qualitative research has also been beneficial and useful in enabling critical race researchers to challenge the notion of objectivity and neutrality in research. Combating the notion of objectivity and neutrality is no new phenomenon for Black scholars who conduct and have conducted research on Black people (Aldrige, 2003). It has its roots in the Black research tradition (Alridge, 2003). In other words, Alridge (2003) contends that the objectivity and neutrality problem is grounded in the history of conducting research on Black people. He further asserts that like him and other Black education researchers and scholars, Du Bois (1944) confronted double consciousness in research or maintaining cultural and historical connections with the Black community, while maintaining

connections to the larger mainstream research community during his era where his educational research work on Black people was viewed as ‘propaganda’ instead of research (Alridge, 2003). Therefore, to better understand the constructed identities, and pedagogical styles of Black male kindergarten teachers, qualitative research is necessary to provide counter ideas, narratives, and constructions of Black male teachers to a line of research inquiry that oftentimes have not previously explored issues of race and power (Lynn, 2006a, b). Such a lack of focus on issues of race and power has contributed to the reification of social injustices and inequities in qualitative research on Black (male) and

other teachers of color (Bonilla-Silva, 2006; Lewis & Toldson, 2013). Qualitative research methodologies (e.g., autoethnographies, counterstories, critical ethnographies, and critical case studies) have been useful in speaking truth to power, or challenging individuals in authority and/or holding power with narratives members of the dominant cultural group typically do not want to hear as a way to work against social inequities through qualitative research. In light of all of the theories that created the

multidimensional framework for the present study, critical race theory was the only theory that has a specified methodology. Therefore, I provide a rationale for the use of critical race methodology later in this chapter.

Participant Selection

To select the Black male kindergarten teacher participants, I used snowball sampling. According to Patton (2001), snowball sampling is the notion of “identifying cases of interest from sampling people who know people who know what cases are information rich” (p. 243). Using snowball sampling enabled me to interview a Black male

kindergarten teacher who helped me to identify other Black male kindergarten teachers who were information rich or were able to provide the information I sought relative to the identities and pedagogical styles of Black male kindergarten teachers for this study.

I also used criterion sampling. Patton (2001) contends that criterion sampling enables researchers to “review and study all cases that meet some predetermined criterion of importance” (p. 238). The research participants were selected based on the following criteria: (1) race (Black); (2) gender (male); (3) currently full-time certified public school kindergarten teacher; (4) geographic location (Southeastern United States); (5) served as a teacher for two or more years (two years were selected to minimize the demands and

expectations (i.e. induction seminars) of induction year teachers that may hinder full participation in the study); (6) principals’ recommendation to determine instructional practices and social influence on Black male students in kindergarten; and (7)

demonstrated academic success with Black male students.

Selection of Black Male Kindergarten Teachers. All of the research

participants are Black male certified kindergarten teachers located in the Southeastern United States. I conducted an interview with principals at the schools of each of the research participants to determine their academic success as defined by Gloria Ladson- Billings (1994/2009) with Black children, mainly Black male kindergarteners. These interviews lasted between 15- 20 minutes in the principals’ offices. I asked a series of questions relative to the pedagogical practices and outcomes of the Black male teachers. Appendix A outlines the interview questions that I used with principals. Like Lynn and Jennings (2009), I also engaged in pre-interviews with the Black male kindergarten teachers to determine and learn about their identities and orientation to culturally relevant teaching. Similar to Lynn (2001), I used a set of criteria for culturally relevant teachers as constructed by Gloria Ladson-Billings to create the pre-interview questions. Ladson- Billings (1994) identified four dimensions describing culturally relevant teachers I used in this study: (1) how teachers see themselves in relation to their students; (2) how they organize social relations in classrooms; (3) how they view learning and knowledge construction; and (4) the awareness of race and racism, sexism, and classism. Ladson- Billings (1994) strongly believed that teachers should demonstrate that they are an essential part of their students’ communities. She further suggested that teachers should have a desire to leave an impact in the world through teaching and that teaching is a

reciprocal process between student and teacher. Sample pre-interview questions are provided in the Appendix D.

The three Black male teachers who participated in the study were identified in the following way. I knew one of the kindergarten teachers with whom I attended high school and worked with in a school district in the state. He connected me to three Black male kindergarten teachers in the state whom he had met at the annual state kindergarten teacher’s conference over the years. Out of the three, I actually knew one of them from his participation in a previous collaborative research project and publication entitled, “Are you sure you know what you are doing?” The Lived Experiences of an African- American male Kindergarten teacher, (Bryan & Browder, 2013) that I co-authored with one of my colleagues to meet the requirements of a doctoral course assignment. I lost contact with him for about two years until he was reintroduced to me.

Using the abovementioned criteria in November 2014, three Black male teachers including the one who introduced me to others met all of the components of the criteria. The one potential research participants who was not selected did not possess culturally relevant identities and pedagogical practices in their classrooms. Similarly, his principal did not speak highly of his ability to positively impact academic outcomes of Black male students. In fact, the principal noted the he lacked abilities in managing classrooms, and interacting positively with children and parents. The principal was not confident in his ability to participate in this study. I was also concerned based on responses provided during the pre-interview process. He noted that he felt “Black parents needed to be more involved in the lives of their children so they would take school seriously.” Most teachers focus on and prioritize the out-of-school experiences of Black children instead of their in-

school experiences that contribute to their academic and social demise in schools and society (Milner, 2015). Hence, such was the case for this Black male teacher.

Selection of Black Male Students. To select the Black male student participants, I used both convenience sampling and purposive sampling. Convenience sampling enables the researcher to select a population that is conveniently accessible to them (Maxwell, 2013). All of the Black male students were current students in each of the Black male kindergarten teacher participants’ classroom. They all started the school year in August as students in each teacher’s classroom. Therefore, they were all conveniently accessible to me. I chose this method not only because of the participants’ accessibility but because these Black male students were able to inform me about the identities and pedagogical styles of their Black male teachers. Similarly, I developed relationships with the students throughout my observational periods of the study, which would helped them feel comfortable in sharing this information with me. Moreover, purposive sampling enables the researcher to select participants based on specified characteristics (Patton, 2001). To that end, letters were sent home to all families to request permission for each Black male and their parents’ participation in the study. I purposefully selected Black male students who returned the letters and whose family members committed to participate in the study. A total of 28 letters were sent home with Black male students across all three classrooms. Out of 28 letters, 12 letters over a period of 2-weeks were returned that granted students permission to participate and indicated that a family member would do likewise.

Selection of Black Family Members. To select Black family members, I engaged in purposive sampling. The following characteristics were used to determine

family member participants. The family member had to have a Black male student in one of the three Black male kindergarten teacher’s classrooms. The family member had to indicate his or her participation on forms to request permission to participate in the study. However, in some cases, although family members indicated that they would participate, four individuals did not show during the requested time to participate in the study. In this case, the data the four Black male students produced were still included in the study, because the Black male students participated in the study before family members had opportunities to do so.

Participants

Black Male Kindergarten Teacher Participants. The three participants that I selected were Black male kindergarten teachers who are currently certified to teach kindergarten in the South. They are all considered highly qualified in early childhood education based on South Carolina’s eligibility requirement to determine ‘highly- qualified’ status. They work in urban, suburban, and rural school districts in both the Midlands9 and Lowcountry10 areas of the state, and are between the ages of 24-35 years

old. Two of the research participants attended Predominantly White Institutions (PWI) and one attended a Historically Black College (HBC) for undergraduate studies. While two of the research participants participated in undergraduate pre-service teacher education programs, one of the research participants participated in a graduate-level teacher education program. The teachers have between three to six years of teaching experience in public school settings. Two of the research participants have been teaching at the same schools for their entire professional careers. The third teacher moved to a new

school in his third year of teaching kindergarten, because he wanted to work closer to the community in which he currently lives. Because qualitative research requires researchers to provide thick descriptions of research participants (Patton, 2001), I provide a detailed profile of each research participant. I have also used pseudonyms to keep the names of each research participant confidential in this study. Table 4.1 also provides an overview of the research participants’ profiles.

Participant Profiles Mr. Javien

Mr. Javien is a single, 5’6 ft. tall, 35-year old Black male who was born in Nassau, Bahamas, but spent most of his life in the United States (U.S.). During his childhood, he recalls traveling back and forth between the United States and the Bahamas. He felt that such experiences gave him a different outlook on life as a Black man in the U.S., and shaped early his positive racial identity and self-concept. In the Bahamas, he mentioned that he was accustomed to experiencing Black people “in charge of running the island.” In fact, he mentioned that President Barack Obama is not the first Black president he experienced. When he was growing up in the Bahamas, the president was Black. Therefore, these experiences helped shaped his consciousness.

Mr. Javien is the oldest of three Black males in his immediate family. His parents are both middle-class professionals. His mother is an educator and has been for more than 20 years. His father is a retired business owner. He owned a small variety store in the Lowcountry of the state. The small variety store was located directly across the street from the high school Mr. Javien attended. He grew up in a home next to the store.

Mr. Javien’s maternal great-grandmother was also a teacher and was among few Black people who hold a master’s degree during Reconstruction and Jim Crow

segregation. His maternal grandmother, a graduate of Fisk University, was a former elementary teacher and school principal in the same district in which he currently teaches. Fisk University is a prominent historically Black college that was instrumental in

providing Black students opportunities to pursue post-secondary education.

Although he comes from a lineage of educators in his family, he never had any interest in becoming a teacher. In fact, he has a professional background in sociology. Pursuing this degree, he knew he wanted to work to uplift the Black community, which was a responsibility taught to him by his mother and father in his early years. While pursuing his degree at an HBCU, he was very active and played an instrumental role in several organizations including the National Association of the Advancement of Color People (NAACP) and the Pan African Association. After graduating from an HBCU in the Southeastern U.S., he worked as a social worker for many years before he became a teacher’s assistant in a special education classroom. Taking on this position, he fell in love with his job as a teacher’s assistant and returned to school to pursue a master’s degree in early childhood education. He said, “What drove me into the classroom was what I saw in that classroom as a teacher’s assistant. Anything that could have happened in there happened, I wanted to be a part of it.” Once he completed his master’s degree, his first professional teaching job offer was in a rural school district in the Midlands where he currently serves as the district’s first and only Black male kindergarten teacher. The district’s human resources department verified he was the first and only Black male teacher ever employed in the district. Mr. Javien commented, “I pride myself as being

the first Black male kindergarten teacher in this school district.” He also admits that he was not always enthused about teaching kindergarten. In fact, he was offered several opportunities to teach kindergarten by the former principal of his current school, but turned it down on multiple occasions because he “was just not interested in teaching kindergarten.” All he could think about is “having to tie children’s shoelaces and wipe runny noses.” However, he admits that he has grown to love teaching kindergarten and that teaching at this level has challenged and given him a new perspective on many levels.

Although Javien does have future aspirations to pursue a career in school administration, he enjoys impacting the lives of the young boys and girls he encounters every year he signs his contract to return to his kindergarten classroom. He has been teaching kindergarten for six years in the same school district. His principal

acknowledges his success in the classroom. His principal noted, “Mr. Javien does an exceptional job with his students…by far one of the best teachers I’ve seen in kindergarten, and I believe that participating in this study will continue to help him develop that love and passion for what he does.” Parents echoed similar compliments regarding Mr. Javien throughout the research process.

Of all of the research participants, I have known Mr. Javien the longest. In fact, we attended the same high school in the Lowcountry. We reconnected in his current school district where I formerly worked as a school administrator for four years. He led me to the other Black male kindergarten teachers who are and were potential participants in this study. During my tenure as a principal, I remembered his principal always