Management, a 40-year old Bangkok-based company.
23 Dr. Niels Mulder is an independent anthropologist who has been actively engaged with Thai ways of life for more than 30 years.
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of basic values of Thai society is done in schools across the country. Because of this, teachers are highly respected and are considered to be authoritative and knowledgeable. Thai students are taught to feel respectful and grateful because of the teachers’ Bunkhun. In this situation the teacher is creating a moral debt. The debt is supposed to be returned by students being respectful and behaving appropriately (Mulder, 2000), which may suppress initiative (Mulder, 1997). Students are supposed to preserve ‘face’ to the teacher by giving their obedience. Teachers are considered as foster or second mothers and many of them are called Mair (mother) for female teacher and Pow (father) for male teacher from kindergarten to university.
A part of reciprocity of Bunkhun to teachers is shown in Wai Khru day. As in Asian societies, Wai Khru, or national teacher’s day, in Thailand is a ceremony to pay respect to the teachers. In Wai Khru Ceremony, all of the students come to school with flowers to lay at the teacher’s lap or feet. This is to show that all students, including students with autism and SLD, give respect, obedience and gratefulness towards their teachers. This ceremony is illustrated on the web by some foreign teachers in Thailand such as Barrow (2009) and James (2009). Wai Khru is held each year in every school, university, and other educational establishment throughout the Thai kingdom.
In order to accomplish work with the Thai people, creating gratitude is necessary in order to establish Bunkhun and a basic power connection (Komin, 1991). Holmes and Tangtongtavy (1997, p.27) proposed three key Thai concepts of management in the Thai workplace. I have to, first, earn their friendship and trust and, second, I have to be in a position of seniority with some authority to command and, third, I have to be sincere and give something to make them feel indebted.
The first and third concepts are establishing the obligation of loyalty ‘Bunkhun or Phrakhun’, and the second is the development of unequal power
‘Phradet’, in order to make the work succeed (Holmes and Tangtongtavy,
1997). These three concepts are the combination of the elements of both morality (Bunkhun or Phrakhun) and power (Phradet) of Thai behaviour as
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described by Hanks (1962 cited in Mulder, 1979). Bunkhun, however, may not be enough to achieve the work if Phradet is not achieved in order to give rewards to the subordinate. The combination of morality (Phrakhun) and power (Phradet) known as ‘Baramee’ is a crucial concept that enables work to be done amongst Thais.
Implications of ‘Bunkhun’ Relationship for Intensive Interaction Implementation
Bunkhun value creates a part of social harmony order for the Thai country.
On the other hand, it can increase the inequality of teacher-pupil relationships as the teacher’s high authority over pupils strongly links to the teacher-centred education model which has been inherent in Thai schools for a long time. It tends to create the ‘rightness’ for Thai teachers and suppresses pupils’ initiation and exploration because the teacher is always ‘right’. This Thai situation is in the opposite direction to Intensive Interaction that promotes a student-centred education model and stresses education based on the student’s exploration, with teachers and pupils engaging more evenly.
Bunkhun relationships can be a challenge when working with Thais when I,
myself, have neither historical bunkhun to the participant teachers nor
phradet, authority power for giving them rewards. Nevertheless, Thais
generally respond positively or accept the asking of others due to hierarchy and ‘Kreng jai’ value, especially a person in a higher position. This may be a good starting point for running the project in Thai society, although the express intention is to enable teachers to recognize the work of Intensive Interaction for themselves.
According to Burn and Thongprasert (2005), the Bunkhun relationship is one of the Thai values which is viewed as a barrier to knowledge sharing. Other Thai values, such as high power distance, high uncertainty avoidance, collectivism, and Kreng jai value, emphasise unequal power, where the
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voices of the most senior are practised and respected above the less senior. Where Bunkhun is well established, possibly through long-term relationships, this can lead to difficulty in putting forward a dissenting voice. The sharing of different ideas is not encouraged and situations of conflict, rather than being revealed and sorted, tend to be hidden. Such cultural issues may be impediments to knowledge and idea sharing in Intensive Interaction workshops amongst Thai participant teachers.
Religion- Psychical Orientation: ‘Karma’
Theravada Buddhism is the religion that is adopted by most Thai people and has a significant role in the everyday life of Thais. Within the element of this religion, the law of Karma is a significant concept and used the most in everyday life interaction. In general, Thais assume that differences of one’s social status, rank or position are determined by different karma: good karma and bad karma (Holmes and Tangtongtavy, 1997). ‘Good karma’ is used to relate to one’s success and ‘bad karma’ to one’s failure (Komin, 1991). The karma works over the ages explaining time perspectives: past, present, and future. It is used in order to explain the present status of the poor or the rich, the lucky or unlucky. What one did in the past life would have an effect on the present life, whereas what one does at present would affect the future life (Mulder, 1979). Moreover, some Buddhists believe in rebirth (Barr 2004) and that karma will determine the status of people when they are reborn. The values of karma form a hierarchical system strongly rooted in Thai society (Chareonwongsak, 201124; Mulder, 1979), which is linked to Hofstede’s power distance in the cultural dimension. Many Thais view karma as an unchangeable destiny (Chareonwongsak, 2001). Others believe that whilst the law of karma can shape their lives, if they desire to improve their lives, they need to dedicate themselves to tham bun (merit-making), and this can accumulate good karma for a better future.
24Professor Kriengsak Chareonwongsak is President of the Institute of Future Studies for
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Most Thais tend to do good things to others in order to collect good karma. Komin (1991) stated that karma is used as a caution not to do bad thing to others because bad karma will be the result. It is also used as a ‘defence mechanism’ after undesirable experiences. For example, when one experiences misfortune, the cause of that misfortune is attributed to one’s bad karma. On the other hand, Komin observed that this belief may affect the determination to improve or change individual life and responsibility for his or her own doing. It may often lead to attitudes of acceptance in the present state while hoping for a better situation in the future (Mulder, 1979) and will not struggle to improve their own life (Chareonwongsak, 2001).
Implications of ‘Karma’ for Intensive Interaction Implementation
In Thai schools, the karmatic perspective can support helping pupils with SEN as teachers believe what they do with pupils is tham bun (merit-making) in order to increase the good karma for their future. Karma may, however, be a disincentive for teachers when working with children as they may believe that a child’s potential is already pre-ordained by their previous life experiences. The majority of Thai people believe that if one is born with a disability, this is a reflection of their bad karma in a previous life, and they may also believe that pupils with SEN are paying for their faults in the previous life. This perspective may lead to less responsibility for providing good education for pupils with SEN. Also, if the teaching situation is not successful the teachers may attribute this to pupils’ bad luck related to their former life.
Face Saving, CriticismAvoidance and Kreng Jai Values
Thai people have a very big ego, a deep sense of independence and a very high value of self-esteem (Komin, 1991). For Thais, saving one's ego is the key rule for all social interactions. This value is observed by all levels of Thai
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social interaction - superiors, equals, and inferiors with difference only in terms of degree. Thais can easily provoke an emotional reaction if the “ego” self is violated. This “ego” orientation takes root in three key values: Face Saving, Criticism Avoidance and Kreng jai.
The ‘face’ is identical with ‘ego’, and Thais put tremendous emphasis on both. Saving one another’s ‘face’ is of great importance for all Thai interactions. In dealing with a person, the most important interpersonal social rule is to avoid public confrontation. For a Thai, making a person lose ‘face’, regardless of rank, is to be avoided.
As Thais are very “ego”-oriented, it is thus very difficult for the Thai to dissociate one’s idea and opinion from the “ego” self. A strong criticism to an expressed idea is often automatically taken as criticism to the person holding those ideas. Thais do not want to make people lose face and try to avoid criticising not just superiors, but their equals, and to some extent, their inferiors as well.
The concept of Kreng jai underlies everyday interpersonal behavioural patterns of Thais. It refers to “an attitude whereby an individual tries to restrain his own interest or desire, in situations where there is the potential for discomfort or conflict, and where there is a need to maintain a pleasant relationship” (Holmes and Tangtongtavy 1995). It also means displaying respect (Klausner, 1993), as well as the wish to avoid embarrassing other people, intruding, or imposing upon them (Servatamorn, 1977, cited in Hallinger and Kantamara, 2003, p.117).
Implications of Face Saving, CriticismAvoidance and Kreng Jai Values for
Intensive Interaction Implementation
By tradition, the Thai teacher expects pupils to exhibit behaviours such as
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autonomy it is possible that the characteristics of the approach will be viewed as working against some teachers’ ego, particularly face-saving and kreng
jai. These values support a hierarchical system, and high power distance, as
well as collectivism dimensions, in which obedience or even fear and respect are key elements of traditional teacher-pupil relationships. As discussed above, Intensive Interaction may have an adverse impact on a child’s desirable characteristics including less assertiveness, obedience and fear. Consequently, an uncomfortable feeling may happen to a teacher who prefers the solidly traditional role of Thai teacher and child’s obedient characteristics.
Although these values are the appropriate way to handle interactions for Thai people, there are some disadvantages. For example, a younger teacher may not feel able to express their true attitude and ideas when experiencing Intensive Interaction in group discussion when she senses that it may be against her senior colleagues, because she prefers not to participate in any conflict and wants to save face of other teachers. These values, therefore, can be an important barrier for discussing different knowledge and ideas amongst Thai teachers as discussed previously in the section of ‘Bunkhun’ relationship.
Interdependence: ‘Paeng-pa Ah-sai’
This value reflects the community collaboration attitude through the value of co-existence and interdependence. This interdependence value places an emphasis on the group, not the individual. The collaborative behaviour is the dominant behavioural pattern that can be observed, especially in the rural community. The value of mutual help reinforces the sense of neighbourhood and the other-oriented community, and this brings values of interdependence (Komin, 1991). This Thai value also links to the collectivism in Hofstede’s cultural dimension.
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In the Thai rural community, from my experience, the relationship between teacher and pupils’ parents are bound very much stronger in emotion than those in the capital city as a result of the interdependence and grateful relationship values. They rely on and help each other in many ways. For example, rural parents of pupils are the most grateful to their children’s teachers as they educate their children. Accordingly, they often give meals or fresh food to their children's teacher, and will also provide any other types of help as a way of returning teachers’ kindness. Likewise, teachers living in the neighbourhood of pupils’ houses will volunteer to ride a motorcycle and transport pupils from their houses to school every day. Some parents who cannot pick their children up from school will ring the teachers and ask them to return their children to their homes as well. These are the relationships between parents and special education teachers found in their usual way of a rural life.
Implications of ‘Paeng-pa Ah-sai’ for Intensive Interaction Implementation
There is a challenge for teachers to work with their pupils in a new way. If a teacher disagrees with the parents about the goal of teaching the pupils, they tend to accept the parents’ goal rather than their own goals. The social smoothing interaction, grateful relationship and interdependence with pupils’ parents are more important for many Thai teachers. The achievement of pupils may be considered as a subordinate matter. An awareness of the importance of remaining non-threatening to the interdependent relationship between the teacher, parents and others is involved.
Fun Pleasure: ‘Sanuk’
Anxiety in respect of uncertainty is, together with the emphasis on social harmony, recognised within Thai society as leading to another important social norm, sanuk. The concept of sanuk (the feeling of having fun, excitement or pleasure) is highlighted for relaxation. Mulder (1978) observed
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that Thais have relaxed interaction, joyful behaviour and enjoy a pleasant atmosphere. He states “the Thai are masters of relaxation” (p.103). Komin (1991) explained that Thais use the fun‐pleasure value or sanuk as keeping a pleasant and smooth interpersonal interaction, which is a higher value for Thais. This value can be observed from ‘light’ behaviours such as being easy-going, pleasant, humorous, and joyful, or making fun of all kinds of events. Showing a serious character is not highly valued for Thais and they tend to avoid any serious topic for discussions. When conversations are getting into serious arguments, Thais often bring in humour or jokes to decrease tension. Being sanuk is highly valued as a mechanism for relaxation and maintaining harmonious interactions in social groups. Komin (1991), however, stresses that the intensity of this fun‐pleasure value or
sanuk does not mean that Thais cannot be taken seriously. Rather, it means
that, for Thais, to be successful in any work activities, they need to pay attention to sanuk. Hallinger and Kantamara (2003) suggest that making work fun is important for Thais. It will be difficult to engage in ongoing work if practitioners feel mai sanuk (have no fun). If new ways of working are perceived as ‘not fun’ this is likely to increase resistance to their introduction.
Implications of ‘Sanuk’ for Intensive Interaction Implementation
Sanuk is likely to play an important part for Thai teachers to feel able to
address new ways of working such as Intensive Interaction. The aspect of fun and pleasure, which is at the heart of Intensive Interaction, is also central to Thai culture.
Sanuk is a crucial element that has to be taken into consideration when
working with Thai teachers. I had to consider my research to find ways to bring fun into work and to celebrate group accomplishments whilst maintaining work results.
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Conclusion
This chapter explored and discussed the range of cultural dimensions that may have an impact on developing new ways of working with children in the Thai special education system. Given that Intensive Interaction comes from a western orientation it was necessary to explicitly articulate cultural differences that work as the backdrop to understanding motivations for behaviours. Delving into the literature on definitions of culture and cultural dimensions has allowed me to present and highlight differences that exist in fundamental motivation for being and behaving in societies. Cultural understandings in relation to pedagogy have been set in context to allow the chapter to highlight how different cultural backgrounds can have an impact on the uptake of an educational approach such as Intensive Interaction.
Using the western societies of the UK and US as examples, the analysis from the Western perspective outlined five dimensions of the national culture and the differences between Thailand and the West. This discussion of diverse perspectives helped set the scene for understanding the complexities behind introducing Intensive Interaction to Thailand. It was clear that Thai culture is very complex and that its cultural norms and values are distinctly different from those held predominantly in the West. As Hofstede and Schien stated, however, there is no right or wrong, no better or worse culture. These cross cultural studies have, however, enabled me to articulate the differences and raise awareness of how such differences in Thai culture, values and assumptions might have implications for the introduction of Intensive Interaction.
It was evident that Thai values such as high power distance and body hierarchy could set up barriers to the implementation of Intensive Interaction, as teachers would have cultural opposition to taking the child’s lead, being on the floor, etc. It was also evident, however, that other aspects of Thai cultural behaviours would support the introduction of this approach, such as
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high power distance, collectivism, ‘Kreng Jai’ and ‘Sanuk’ values. Due to the complex nature of cultural imperatives in relation to social engagement, the research approach for this study needed to be carefully constructed to enable me to delve into that complexity. The next chapter discusses the search to find an appropriate methodological approach and the rationale behind decisions in relation to the use of a hermeneutic phenomenological approach.
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