Reutilización

The next two chapters review literature related to this project. Owing to the projects interdisciplinary nature however, literature is drawn from broad and diverse fields. Collectively, they form a constellation that best supports this piece and highlights gaps in knowledge. The two literature review chapters are divided into i) music and religion and ii) centring Blackness and Blackness in Britain. The interrelated salient issues of race, racism and seeking meaning permeate both chapters.

This chapter exploring music and religion begins by outlining Eurocentric understandings of music, religion and race since the Enlightenment. This functions to primarily highlight how these three factors were infused during the Enlightenment, and evidence the impact of its trajectory into contemporary music understanding and engagement, both inside and outside the academy. Within the academy specifically, it assists in understanding the distinctions made between classical and world musics; and also its tentative (sometimes dismissive) approach to contemporary musics that fall outside of this fragile dichotomy. Grime music, the principal focus of this study, falls outside the dichotomy and is the cultural production of a marginal social group in Britain.

This project is positioned outside the music discipline, and as such, enables a new way to interrogate the musical subject without the limitations of focusing on music alone (i.e. Musicology). Here it is analysed through a sociocultural lens; in part through subcultures, but moving toward sonics and audio culture. This approach differs from previous sociology and/or cultural studies musical projects, that tended to focus on spectacle, style or scene, but not the music itself. Sociological enquiry enables audio culture and sociology of religion literature to be introduced, reviewed and then woven into modes of analysis.

Examining literature around Africanised religiosity reveals different outlooks and understanding of musical and religious engagement. This difference signposts a new way to interrogate musical and/or religious subjects within or across disciplines. From this new space (potentially entering Afrofuturist or sonic fictive space), new links to music understanding, engagement and cultural practice can be formed. The reasons why examining literatures on religious perspectives are important to this project is because, to date, the Eurocentric religious outlook has significantly shaped musical (and racial) knowledge, both overtly and covertly. Current disciplines are not fully equipped to interrogate the complexities and interdisciplinarity of contemporary life. Religious studies acknowledge its limitations when engaging with contemporary society (Lynch 2007). As outlined in the introductory chapter, race and Eurocentric religion (namely Christianity) have had a problematic relationship with Afrodiasporic peoples, race and music.

This project focusses on the specific Black British musical production and subcultural practice of Grime. Analysing it through existing academic musical or religious frameworks, rooted in Eurocentrism, would not serve this project effectively; each would construct it or place it as ‘Other’ or peripheral in their respective fields of studies.

Music

Since European Enlightenment, the Western study of modern music has been rooted in the Romantic era and classical music, including the idea of individual musical creative genius. This discourse has endured into modern times (Gilbert 2012, McClure 2011). Simultaneously European engagement with other world peoples, shifted their concepts of rationality and outlook. It significantly impacted the relationship between religion and the creative; moving individual creativity away from the ear.

‘…during the Enlightenment the ear (by which he means not only the outer acoustical ear but the inner ear), through which one hears the voice of God, was relegated to the danger zone of irrationality – outside the bounds of universal reason.’ (McClure 2011:4)

Sound received less and less focus in Eurocentric discourse. Sight was foregrounded as the apparatus of rationality. Bull and Back (2003) identify the trajectory of the eye taking precedence over and above technologies of the ear:

‘…orally based cultures were progressively supplanted by print-based cultures, and the world became increasingly ‘silent’ as sight (reading) replaced speech’ (Bull and Back 2003:7).

Eurocentric modes of prioritising and organising knowledge conspire to eradicate or primitivise peoples and processes, particularly those peoples and cultures that prioritise orality, aurality and their related cultural practices. Chernoff argues there is‘profound

European misunderstanding of Afro-diasporic rhythm pragmatics’(cited Goodman

2010:116).Other ways of knowing and understanding have been disregarded and missed for an extended period of time. This dynamic of sight and sound has meant that race and music are entwined in fundamental ways through the discursive and institutional processes of colonialism, modernity and The Enlightenment (Haynes 2013). This legacy still influences how music is categorised, interpreted and aesthetically valued contemporarily.

An unintended outcome of this prioritisation strategy is evident in the general inability to articulate sound and its impact in everyday life, in the same way visual disciplines are coded. However, academia is beginning to engage with sound, the aural and soundscapes (e.g. sonic fiction/Afrofuturism, audio culture, sound design studies and popular music studies etc.), approaching music, in sociological and cultural ways. To

date, many music research projects in sociology and cultural studies focus on lyrics, style (Hebdige 1979), or the aesthetics (Bramwell 2011) of a subcultural practice; all of which are linked to the visual. The ear is more finely tuned than the eye (Goodman 2010). This new knowledge space poses serious challenge to the current trajectory of music and how it is prioritised it in the West.

The field of music semiotics is an under researched area in Britain9_{. Kennett (2003)}

explores the analysis of popular music. He proposes sound as object and a semiotic analysis of sound. Music semiotics is a crucial area to the analysis of music. However, it can be inaccessible for those who do not read music or have an understanding of musical terms or theory. This can make it difficult to articulate in layperson’s terms because it has its own discipline related jargon. Bull and Back’s (2003) edited volume in audio culture explores the link between sound and its impact on the body, physically and physiologically. LaBelle (2010) explores natural acoustics of spaces and places. These areas of exploration are useful when brought into the field of sociology, because they enable the analysis of soundscape and environment on the development of musical styles and the human body. Combined, they break down the soundscape into specific areas of influence on a person.

Religion

Grime…spirituality…religion. There is no clear link between the two and we are living in increasingly secularised times (BBC 2012). The main Grime music makers and participants (i.e. predominantly third and fourth generation Black British youth, having Christianity forming part of their ancestral heritage), have lower levels of church participation than their (African, African-Caribbean) grandparents who settled in Britain in the 1950-1970s. Religious belief amongst young people in Britain (i.e. 16-24) has

dropped from 68% to 53% since 1983 (BBC Religion and Ethics 2012). Despite this however, comparatively, Black British youth have stronger religious belief than their White counterparts (BBC Religion and Ethics 2012).

Irrespective of this documented decline, a reduction in the participation of organised religion does not mean the reduction of spirituality or the belief in sacred practices outside of it. The US academy in particular, has developed an extensive scholarly tradition and analysis of the relationship between Black music and religion (Pinn 2003, Dyson 1997, Utley 2012, Miller 2013, Reed 2003, Sylvan 2002); acknowledging that the majority of popular and Black secular music in the West is rooted in the Christian church (Beckford 2006). However in the West, the religious and the sacred have been dominated by Western thought (Beyers 2010). This is reflected in the repertoire on offer in the British academy; Christianity is the subject afforded the most intellectual engagement and study (Hotcourses 201310_{). Whilst there is no universal African religion}

(Mbiti 1991), there are general principles that can be applied to African religions; there is no course in Britain specifically focusing on this.

‘A sociologist would look through a sociological lens at religion, whereas a psychologist would give a definition based on a different (psychological) perspective. This would also apply to culturally determined definitions: a Westerner would provide a definition influenced by European thought and an African would formulate the answer according to African philosophy.’ (Beyers 2010:2)

There is an increased interest linking Black cultural production with belief and art as evidenced byBlack Theology: An International Journal’s11_{special issue on Afrofuturism.}

10_{www.hotcourses.com– now defunct}

Significantly, this issue evidences that Africanised religions and/or major world religions, such as Christianity, take on new meanings and interpretations in an Africanised context. This acknowledgement enables Black practitioners to explore meaning and belief for themselves in more depth.

Music and sound were important to the lives of enslaved Africans. European prevention of traditional or African derived religious practices (Hebdige 1987) and musical communication (Walker 2015), had a significant impact on their musical and religious expression. Historically, the overt religious beliefs and practices of the diaspora outside of frameworks prescribed by Europeans were punishable by death in the most extreme cases. Such punishment encouraged the appropriation of Eurocentric values and practices.

Unlike Eurocentric religious thought, the dichotomy between the secular and sacred have always been blurred in African and diasporic worship (Reed 2003, Beyers 2010). Discarding the ‘profane’ is not a concept in Afrocentric religious practices; however an acknowledgement of things being used for good or bad is (Smith 1994). Afrocentric religious and spiritual distinctions take place between the visible/tangible/material world and the invisible/intangible/immaterial (Mbiti 1991, Beyers 2010). Crucially however, both are seen as part of one reality, including the transcendence between them; virtuality and reality are one and the same.

African religious outlook resides in the collective, it is does not have a sole founder like many contemporary monotheistic religions. Africans place themselves as central to the universe; they are the centre but not the master and must obey natural orders to preserve balance. Whilst there may be religious leaders in the community, without the active participation of all involved, the collective beliefs and religious way of life would

die out. Africanised religion involves practices, beliefs, values and objects, in addition to religious officials. African religions celebrate life. Music and dance are powerful and are included in African worship and traditional life. Religiosity forms part of everyday life and provides practical solutions and apparatus to navigate one’s life. It is for the people; all can engage and religion travels wherever the people go.

The flexible application of Africanised religion means that it can operate inside imposed or welcomed religious and/or social structures, such as Christianity or Atlantic slavery. Africanised religion’s fluid nature finds spaces and ways to exhibit itself within prescribed frameworks. Mbiti (1991) suggests this adaptability means it takes generations for Africanised religious outlooks and practices to completely disappear, if at all. He gives the Caribbean and the presence of African religiosity in their contemporary practices as an example. Creolised religious practices of the Caribbean have been well documented (Sylvan 2002).

‘Where African people have migrated from one part of the continent to another or overseas countries, they have often taken their music and dance with them.’ (Mbiti 1991:27)

Contemporarily, Gaskin’s (2016) work draws attention to the importance and centrality of the Yowa/Kongo Cosmogram to contemporary Afrodiasporic art and music. She illustrates how it fits into Afrofuturism and the religious. Central to her argument is the circular motion (found in art and music), something highlighted by Mbiti in religious approaches to the universe and life. Rose (1994) refers to the circular as an integral aesthetic of Black and Africanised musical sensibilities. In religious contexts, the circular, found in nature and life, are acknowledged through rituals and used to honour the infinite nature of the never-ending and cyclical patters of the universe. In artistic expression, the circular is achieved through pastiche, reconstructing and creating anew, i.e., taking fragments of the past, rearranging to make a new present to open new

possible futures. This is an element referred to by Eshun (1998) and Rose (1994) in Black musical production. The circular evident in the Yowa/Kongo Cosmogram, Gaskin (2016) argues, signifies the journey of human souls and can be found in art and sound. She states that the Cosmogram is a nexus for belief systems, ideologies and technology; a symbol and a passage of communication between worlds and realities (material and immaterial). Africanised approaches to religion and the circular depict continuity and reflect the rhythms of life. Mbiti suggests circles are used in African artistic expression to illustrate the connectivity to the eternal.

‘To ignore the existence of the transcendental will create disharmony in reality and will deprive the experience of the meaning of life. The pursuit of cosmic harmony is an ethical principal in traditional Africa.’ (Beyer 2010:7)

Interest in how the religious or spiritual interacts with popular culture has increased as participation in organised Eurocentric religion has declined, in both the fields of sociology and religious studies. In contemporary times, Lynch (2012) spearheads new ways to interpret Judeo-Christological religious meaning from modern/popular cultural practices within religious studies. He believes it is important to finding meaning and purpose in peoples’ lives through everyday practices; especially as the post-industrial terrain and lack of participation in organised religion will inevitably lead to new forms of religious expression.

Lynch (2007) identifies three approaches to studying religion; a) Substantive; externally observable symbols of organised religion b) Phenomenological; perception, lived experience and common religious themes across different historical and social contexts and c) Functionalist; what religion does.

system which serves these basic ‘religious’ needs for community, identity and meaning could be defined as religious, even though they fall far outside the conventional canon of religions.’ (2007:129)

Litonjua (2007) views religion as a social structure and diverse religions as cultural practices (subculture). Durkheim and Geertz approached religion as a social cultural system that binds people together into a set of social identifications, values and beliefs,

a ‘grounding source of meaning for human cognitions, moods and motivations’(cited in Lynch 2007:129).

These ‘new’ understandings of religious practice and function, in many ways, incorporate Africanised approaches to religion and have almost come full circle. Sylvan (2002) explores the religious and spiritual dimensions of popular music and proposes subcultural practicesasreligion by seeking out rituals, the ecstatic and the communal soul. McClure (2011) argues music can play a religious or quasi-religious role in the life of a fan.

‘By the 1990s, it was clear to sociologists that music subcultures and music scenes were fulfilling quasi-religious,…”neoreligious” function in the lives of many people of all ages….attach themselves to a band, artist or genre in a way that resembles the devotional practices of religious persons who attach themselves to religions leaders, traditions and places of worship.’ (McClure 2011:125)

With specific reference to diasporan religious practice, work has been done in the USA to examine ways religiosity has been hybridized or incorporated into everyday practices. Smith (1994) uses the concept of pharmacosm to explore religious meaning in Black culture (healing/harm) - another way of talking about hope and despair. Tucker’s (2011)

work on the religiosity of Chicago Stepping (Steppin’) subculture12_{, is a prime example}

of how the religious can be found in what appears completely secular within a sociology of religion framework. Her research shows a) how participants use dance to reinterpret their (organised) religious belief, spirituality and membership, b) the ways in which Steppin’ subculture is structurally similar to organised religion and enhances their sense of purpose, meaning and community in their lives and c) how their organised religious practice informs Steppin’.

Utley (2012) explores the ways in which God, the Devil, and religion are used in Rap music and ways in which Judeo-Christological religious belief systems and tropes are used both for and against successful African-American musicians. She looks at how Rap images and lyrics impact listeners based on their religious belief and demographic markers. Miller’s (2013) research focuses on Hip Hop culture and how it is expressed and viewed as being religious in some subcultural practices, for example such asKrumpin’. Smith and Jackson (2005) explore the concept of the Hip Hop church and developed an ‘accessible’ curriculum to engage people in the congregation and its religious and spiritual life. Further afield, St. John’s (2004) edited volume,Rave Culture and Religion, includes multiple authors exploring ‘The Religious’ in dance, communion, sound and counterculture. O’Hagan (2004) interrogates the UK Garage scene and draws parallels between U.S Baptist preachers, House music and UK Garage MCs and their related cultural/religious practices. McClure (2011) constructs fandoms as comparable to religious pilgrimages, including those achieved through alternative attendance (via technology or portable devices).

In addition to cultural practices, processes are comparable to the religious and/or spiritual in the sociology of religion or religious studies fields. Producers, songwriters and song makers are analogous to religious/spiritual officials, becoming‘postmodern, ritual

priest of sound…’ (McClure 2011:91)

‘…the MCs responsibility was to call forth a mood of revelry with his words. Today the MCs responsibility has expanded to include spitting 16 bars over a beat but when rappers perform they invoke their own names, the names of their affiliates, as well as names of their neighbourhoods, cities, states and geographical regions. Rap invocations appeal to familiar people and places for inspiration and guidance.’ (Utley 2012:11)

‘Invocation is central to rap music and religious practice’ (Utley 2012:11)

I will develop this idea to explore how this happens in the Grime scene. In addition to finding meaning in religious frameworks and/or subcultural practice, academics have argued that participation enables reclamation of self. Gesture and dance for example, are considered redemptive or subversive, in politics of transfiguration or fulfilment frameworks (Gilroy 1993), even shamanistic ones (Perkinson 2005).

These cultural practices in religious studies or sociology of religion frameworks, depict a quest to find meaning, joy and fulfilment: a search or desire to leave reality behind and enter a new space; to transcend ordinary life and return with a new or transformed outlook. Engagement enables critique: to gain critical perspective on ordinary experiences and connect to others. (McClure 2011, Gilroy 1993, Eshun 1998, Gilroy 1993, Perkinson 2005).

The body of research outlined above demonstrates that it is a vital and developing area of academic exploration. These examples are testament that ‘the religious and/or spiritual’ can be explored in subcultural practices such as Grime. Whilst I will not be exploring religion explicitly, I will use a broader Africanised spirituality framework as outlined earlier in this chapter. Like Beyers (2010), I do not wish to construct African and

Western religions as separate, but want to draw from a wider understanding of religious practices to establish if in fact Grime can be hallowed?