As higher education is expected to prepare women for work and increase their chances in the labour market, this section will discuss the students’ views on paid work. When asked if she would rather work or become a housewife, Deren (Turkish- Dutch, 20), an economy student said: “You can do both. In fact, you should do both. Have a family and earn money to support your family.” The field data shows that both in the Netherlands and Turkey, students consider the ideal situation as working as well as raising one’s family at the same time. Indeed, there were no women in our group of Turkish respondents who argued against working, and only one in our Turkish-Dutch group. Only a handful of respondents’ mothers had work experience. Deren’s mother worked as a factory worker before she was diagnosed with an illness and retired early. In the past, Deren also worked in the same factory on occasion when she had free time.
Several respondents argued for the religious duty of women to work and produce wealth and resources for the community. Often times they cited Qur’anic verses and referred to Prophet Muhammad’s teachings in support of their notions about women joining paid labour. Turkish Canan (19), a student of agriculture said: “It doesn’t say anywhere in the Qur’an that employment is strictly for men. I base my understanding of work on this fact.” Pelin (Turkish, 20) who studies English literature pointed to a specific verse, which mentions women’s earnings: “It is clearly stated in the Nisa surah23 that both men and women will have a share
of what they earn. So there is direct reference to women’s earnings, meaning that there is nothing wrong with women working for pay.” They believed that idleness
23 ‘Unto men a fortune from that which they have earned, and unto women a fortune from that which they have earned’ (Quran 4:32) (Pickthall, 2001: 75).
is discouraged in Islam, and working was seen as ibadet -- an act of worship. When asked about the low levels of employment, it was generally argued that Muslim women’s limitations to work does not originate from Islam itself but from local culture and the erroneous interpretations of the Qur’an. Turkish-Dutch Efsun (21, pedagogy student) is the only exception that did not consider working to be highly important. She said: “I cannot know now but maybe my husband will not want that I work after marriage. And if there is no financial necessity, maybe I will not have to work. I don’t think it’s absolutely necessary if not for financial reasons.” Contrary to many others who would only be interested in partners who will support their ideas of paid work, Efsun said she would take into account her future husband’s wish in whether to work or not.
The notion of moral duty to work was also widely noted. In both settings, respondents highlighted the Islamic necessity of gaining sevap (spiritual credence) through serving other people and attaining great virtues by way of paid or unpaid work, which entailed doing selfless good deeds.24 Turkish-Dutch Gamze (22,
communications student) said: “When you ask why it’s important to work first thing is how I can be of service? How can I contribute to my society?” In the Dutch context, this takes shape in the form of working within the immediate Turkish- Dutch community, as strikingly almost all of our Turkish-Dutch respondents volunteer at some point in such ethnic educational institutions for children. Turkish-Dutch Aycan (23, PR) who teaches a class to ten year-olds in a community centre argues that learned members of the community like herself “have a mission to make things better in the community”. While males also take part in such centres (mostly in administrative tasks), it is predominantly the community’s women who take on the pedagogical roles. The discourse of the moral obligation to care for the community reflects a gendered disposition as we see that women’s caring roles in the family extend into the community.
The same notions are also relevant in Turkey. Turkish Nuray (20, psychology student) was volunteering as a counsellor at an NGO that helped the poor women from the squatter areas of I·stanbul. She justified this work by saying “I have the skills and I want to do my small part in this life.” The preoccupation with making things better guides the respondents’ altruistic activities. Turkish Reyhan (21) who is a health-care student working for a children’s charity said that “it is the greatest
sevap to help the needy.” As shown, women become “‘moral subjects’ through work
in the public space, whether paid or unpaid, because they define work as service to community” (Aldıkaçtı Marshall and Sabhlok, 2009: 406). Altruism, and gaining
sevap through moral work is a prominent attribute characterizing their notions
of work.
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Moreover, there was also a specific concern in the Netherlands. Negative feelings about the predicament of their ethnic group motivated the respondents to be successful and attain higher roles than their parents’ generation. Turkish-Dutch Yeliz (23, pharmaceutical science) explains:
We have been infamously known as swindlers in this country – abusing the social system, taking advantage of unemployment benefits... this is the fault of the uneducated older generation; we do not want to be associated with such things. Not working had often been associated with the first generation, which they wanted to distinguish themselves from. To prove to the Dutch community that veiled Muslim women can be successful was a common theme and the primary reason given for why they wanted to engage in paid labour.
In their discourses there is a continuous focus on the importance of being a working woman who does not stay at home looking after the children, as they recognize that higher education and reputable jobs provide a counter- argument to the idea that Muslim women are backwards. Cemre (Turkish-Dutch, 21) a law student whose mother works as a hairdresser argues: “because of the idea that the veiled usually stay home, it’s important that educated Turks like me get good jobs and have a good name for the community.” Accordingly, they express dissatisfac- tion with some of the women from their community who do not work, and only seem to be preoccupied with how to find a good husband. Turkish-Dutch Bahar (21, sociology) said: “Many of them have children so early, and they sit at home, become housewives who watch silly soap operas on Turkish TV”, resenting her peers for choosing to be housewives and not working. As shown, in their discourses respondents in both settings show a keen interest in taking up paid work. However, despite such positive ideas about work and the dutiful workers discourse the respondents foster, in reality there is a more complex picture.