SAN ANTONIO Aguado, Alma, MD

The platform set up at the corner of a rather large area drew attention to the political gravity of the celebrations from the very start with several banners on both sides and above along with snowy mountains behind; and the abundance of flags and posters among audiences that were closest to the platform along with red, yellow, and green balloons strung above the platform and area were confirming this image (see figure 3.6). The entire area was alive with people, many of whom dressed in traditional clothes, from all age groups in contrast to square congregation and parading dominated mostly by youngsters. The platform backed with a large banner saying

Newroz Pîroz be! (Happy Newroz!). On the right side of the platform was there a banner saying in Turkish Teslimiyet ihanete, direniş zafere götürür (Surrender leads to betrayal as resistance leads to victory), a statement attributed to Ali Çiçek, one of the four PKK detainees who died on hunger strike started on July 14, 1982 in Diyarbakır Prison. There were two banners attracting attention on the left side of the platform; as one of them was saying in Kurdish Rabe nevîye Kawa, geş bike dîsa agirê Newrozê û bişe witîne zalimê (Rise up grandchild of Kawa, blaze like Newroz fire and burn the tyrant) the other was specifying Kurds’ political demands in Turkish such as recognition and statutory guarantee of Kurdish identity, Kurdish language, right to self-determination, political status, and right of organization. A significant number of loudspeakers arranged in tiers on both upper sides of the platform were saying a lot about the self-assertion and ambition of making these visual messages heard as well. Even if one who was oblivious to the context directly had came to the Newroz area without joining congregation and marching and had had to pass through checkpoint she would have possibly treated the whole event as a public meeting organized for a serious protest. This picture also broadly shows Kurds’ strong inclination toward taking the rare opportunity in an effective way to collectively voice their existence.

Figure 3.6 : Hakkâri Newroz area and stage. Photo by the author

Having been allotted mostly to speeches and announcements, the first two and a half hours of the celebration program did not include live music. A local music group comprising a number of guerrilla-like dressed young girls who are the students and amateur musicians of Feqîyê Teyran72 Cultural and Art Center, — which was

founded within the structure of Municipality of Hakkâri in December 2011 — and two other local musicians, one of whom singing in dengbêjî73 style, offered their performances respectively at the end of the celebrations. Certain songs selected by the organization committee, on the other hand, played during the periods between numerous speeches and announcements. The first song that welcomed people entering in the area, accordingly, was highly meaningful within the context and course of celebrations. The song Em in Apocî, of which lyrics are translated below, sung by music group Koma Nergiza Botan (Group Narcissus of Botan) not only rhythmically and melodically but also verbally and discursively sustained the emotions and opinions that had found voice in the slogans of those walking to the area:

Kî dibêje bila bêje Whoever says whatever

Em bêçar in ne çar çapulcî We are neither helpless nor four marauders74 Em dimeşin bi milyona We are walking with million

Em kurd in em in Apocî We are Kurds we are Apoites75

Bijî Kurdistan Long live Kurdistan

Serhed û Botan, Serhed and Botan

Her bijî Amed Long live Amed

Paytexta Kurdan Capital of Kurds

Cizîra Botan Cizîra Botan

Em şagirtên mamoste ne, mamoste Anter

We are disciples of master, master Anter76

Em ciwanên Öcalan in, serok û rêber

We are youngsters of Öcalan, leader and guide

73 _{As mentioned in chapter 2 in detail, reciting stories inspired by life and nature in Kurdish lands in a} distinctive singing style, dengbêjî (sung narrative tradition) and Dengbêj-s (traditional bards), as culture bearers, are one of the most important characteristics of Kurdish society.

74 _{The whole sentence makes reference to the frequent portrayal of PKK militants as deluded,} helpless, and marauder by official authorities and media. Having derived from the Turkish word “çapulcu,” the word “çapulcî” (marauder) emerged as a result of phonetic change.

75 _{Due to a similar phonetic change, the Turkish word “Apocu” has past to Kurdish as “Apocî”} 76 _{Publishing papers, journals, writing articles, dramas and a dictionary in Kurdish language in the late} 1950s and early 1960s, Musa Anter, a Kurdish writer, poet, and activist, was one of the most influential figures in revival of Kurdish political movement in Turkey after a long silence. He was murdered by an unknown assailant in Diyarbakır in 1992.

Ez zanime heya herê der I know till the end Ev zanime heya herê der I know this till the end

Bijî Kurdistan Long live Kurdistan

Serhed û Botan Serhed and Botan

Her bijî Amed Long live Amed

Paytexta Kurdan Capital of Kurds

Cizîra Botan Cizîra Botan

Bijî Kurdistan Long live Kurdistan

Bijî Gerîla yê Long live Gerilla

Şêrê çiyan Lions of mountains

Tev hev re bejîn Sing together

Serok Öcalan, sayın Öcalan Leader Öcalan, venerable77 Öcalan Disa dubare sayın Öcalan Repeat again, venerable Öcalan Car din dubare birêz Öcalan Once again, venerable Öcalan

Bijî Kurdistan Long live Kurdistan

Serhed û Botan Serhed and Botan

Her bijî Amed Long live Amed

Paytexta Kurdan Capital of Kurds

Cizîra Botan Cizîra Botan

The logical continuity as well as stylistic similarity between the end of parading and the beginning of bonfire celebrations, as suggested by the song’s lyrics above and its notational representation below (figure 3.7), was striking. The main difference between the two parts was the point from which the pretensions were vocalized. The music boomed out from the stage in a slogan-like song form was a persistent and confident proclamation of a nation’s values and passions. Similar to slogan chanting, the song, which is performed by a group of singers, retains its tune mostly on one pitch with confirmative repetition on the one hand as it orally rejects all imputed identifications and characterizations before making its own definitions clamorously on the other. Its highly rhythmic, techno/electronica style beats are unquestionably helpful in creating this severe but impassioned character of the song.

77 _{The Turkish title “sayın” is used before last names as a matter of protocol or courtesy. A few public} usage of it for Abdullah Öcalan, by mistake or on purpose, have been highly controversial in Turkey.

=110

Figure 3.7 : The notational representation of the first four lines forming the first

verse of the song Em in Apocî.

After a certain point, however, all-embracing and relatively idealized political ambiance that had been going on since the congregation at the square turned into a more formal setting centered on current politics. The song was interrupted a few times for Kurdish and Turkish announcements of a number of political figures and activists taking part in celebrations such as two MPs and the mayor of Hakkâri Province, provincial chairman of BDP, a member of provincial council, central district chairman of BDP, regional representative of Human Rights Association İHD (İnsan Hakları Derneği), spokeswoman of BDP woman council.

The whole bonfire celebrations, especially after another collective singing of Çerxa Şoreşê had marked the beginning of official celebrations, were mostly followed this procedure which announcements and public speeches interrupted music, thereby disrupting line dances formed among audience. The performance of Çerxa Şoreşê in the area was partly the last action of people as absolute leader of celebrations. Growing up in a community of which dance is a cultural characteristic, people in the area openly showed discontent with this process particularly during interruptions whereas they cheered delightedly as the volume of music was turned up again. People in bonfire celebrations seemed more willing to enjoy the occasion per se, as opposed to two previous phases of the celebrations, than to express resistance and anger. This might suggest that Newroz may not be seen completely as a means to express opposition, and for people, there is a tendency to scale down the intensity of protest, and festivity itself, in its literal sense, is the focal point of the community at this step of the celebrations. This perspective might give rise to a second thought, on

the other hand, that people do not enjoy a protest in which they do not engage, and they turn toward dancing both to keep their dynamism steady and to remain within their own romanticized imagery of protest and resistance while they ostensibly accompany actual political discourse continuing on the stage. The politicization of Newroz celebrations in turn does not bother people of Hakkâri as long as their actions remain as the main determinant of celebrations, and yet the scope of their actions shows that they do not want to relinquish the exultant side of celebrations to monotony of daily politics.

Relegation of present-day political and social issues to a secondary level on the part of people whose role is limited to that of audience’s with the beginning of bonfire celebrations reveals that collective participation in the celebrations under a highly symbolic political atmosphere and discourse is sufficiently a meaningful remark in the sense of present-day politics, and it mainly constitutes the essence of Newroz spirit for the majority of people in Hakkâri. Slogans and songs are relatively abstract and symbolic structures and they pave the way for collective participation and expression. Furthermore, specification and particularization of slogans, songs, dances and other related activities by present-day political discourse poses a threat to collective joy and exhilaration. Bearing this in mind, I would like to note here that the crux of the Newroz celebrations, lighting the bonfire at the center of the area (see figure 3.8) as one of the most symbolic actions of Kurdish resistance movement, takes place at this phase of the celebrations.

Quite apart from music, which seems to be one of the reasons that gathers and keeps people in the area, bonfire celebrations involve a number of politically resonant protocols such as processional greeting of selected leading political figures who are under custody by reciting their names, and announcing congratulatory messages forwarded from political detainees, local union representatives, and many other civil initiatives, organizations and institutions. In addition, invitation to concrete political action seems to be one of the critical parts of this ceremony on the part of politicians and activists; people are asked to sign a petition addressed to parliament calling for Kurdish cultural and political rights — which are also summarized on the large banner near the platform — before they leave the area, and they are also informed about a recently formed political platform comprising a plenty of associations and civil society organizations. A number of brief speeches delivered by politicians and activists such as the mayor and one of the MPs of Hakkâri, spokeswoman of BDP woman council as well as other speeches on behalf of organization committee and on behalf of Confederation of Public Laborers’ Unions KESK (Kamu Emekçileri Sendikaları Konfederasyonu) among which various songs or parts of songs are placed.

Regarding Newroz as the day on which people of Kurdistan demolished slavery, speeches — some in Kurdish and some in Turkish — mostly incorporate a discourse over Newroz’s connection with Kawa legend and insurgency, and attribute a symbol of insubordination to Newroz bonfire by referring to numerous self-immolation cases in the history of Kurdish political movement. Detentions of Kurdish activists and despotic policies of the government as well as Kurdish demands for identity, language, and political freedom are also important matters of concern to each speaker. Selection of songs intermittently playing between speeches, on the other hand, is limited to eight songs played somewhat randomly; two of them, Roj’s Özgür Bir Tutsak (A Free Captive) and Halit Bilgiç’s Bu Halk Yılmayacak (This People will not be Deterred) — which was also used as one of the campaign songs in general elections that took place on June 11, 2011 — were folk-rock style songs in Turkish as the lyrics of the former allude to Abdullah Öcalan and those of the latter focus mostly on peace and fellowship of peoples as well as the revenge for tyranny. The other six songs that are in Kurdish, Mesut Geverî’s Gever, Sîmar’s Zap, Koma Awazê Çiya’s (Group Melody of Mountain) — which is a music group formed by

Kurdish guerrillas — Oremar,78 Aynur Doğan’s rendition of Keçe Kurdan (a Şivan Perwer song)79 as well as Kawa’s Newroz, and Aram Tigran’s Newroz sung by another singer, relatedly echo combative and patriotic expressions in a celebratory folk-pop style in both implicit and explicit manners. A key point here is that disregarding the speeches and sometimes even songs playing loudly, people, as they did throughout the square congregation, produce their own performance spheres by forming plentiful large and small dance lines in the area and dancing to songs that they sing. As one of my interviewees notes, “If we do not create our own setting, we cannot enjoy. … Slogans, after a while, bore us. We go and make our own corner, and hang out there. Otherwise it is not entertaining” (Mihemed, personal communication, March 28, 2012).

In sum, a substantial part of the bonfire celebrations, essentially, bears witness to an implicit competition between the stage that holds the mechanism of sound producing, thus controlling area’s discourse and the crowd downgraded from taking a leading part to the position of audience. The structure of the bonfire celebrations, which is based on a predetermined schedule conducted from the stage, restricts and suspends potentiality of organized and collaborative act in the area, thereby causing people’s activities mostly discontinuous here unlike those in congregation and parading. People were warned, for example, not to shout slogans other than the ones that had been predetermined by organization committee. That the distinction between audience and stage becomes apparent at this level of the celebrations brings out the audiences’ tendency to refuse this distinction as well as their dissatisfaction with the role that falls to them. Audiences’ desire for maintaining their position as key determinant in the progress of celebration is evident. They want to continue with

78 _{For a detailed textual, musical, and visual analysis of the song Oremar and its video, see chapter 6.} 79 _{Symbolizing the role of women in Kurdish political movement, Keçe Kurdan (Kurdish Girl) is one} of the most critical songs in Turkey’s recent history of Kurdish musical recordings. The song, whose original name was “Girîng e Jin û Mêr Tev Rabin” (Great Uprise of All Women and Men), was first released in 1977 in Şivan Perwer’s third album entitled “Herne Pêş.” Having been repopularized by Aynur Doğan (2004) in her first album released in 2004, the song was widely acclaimed in Turkey. In 2005, on the other hand, the song caused the prohibition of the entire album, and the impoundment of all its copies on the grounds that it invites Kurdish girls to mountains to fight, thereby distributing propaganda of an armed organization (Url-2). Kalan Müzik, the record label releasing the album, counterclaimed and succeeded in lifting the ban on the album six months later, proving that there was no element of crime in the song (Url-3). In 2009, Adana province’s office of the chief prosecutor instituted legal proceedings against Mehmet Arslan, the executive editor of the radio station Dünya Radyo, for broadcasting the song on the radio (Url-4); he later was acquitted on all counts (Url-5).

their oppositional and identity-related claims in a participative and enjoyable fashion based on singing, shouting, and dancing. Lighting the bonfire, being regarded as an action that belongs to them, is also one of the reasons for people to remain in the area. The organization committee on the stage, on the other hand, is responsible for conveying political messages as much as possible and making necessary adjustments to keep people in the area. Even though audiences approach their previous position that they actually desire for after local musicians had taken to the stage following a number of speeches the dominance of the sound of stage continued. Still, bonfire celebrations that feature a show of strength with the crowd and impressive stage and sound system always contained a tacit rivalry between people and political elites represented on the stage.