Research has showed that strong grievances have arisen around the perception that a particular State or ethnic group has been unfairly treated, resulting in great differences in the standard of living. For example, many southern respondents took exception to the claim that, when it held sway under the military government of General Sani Abacha, the Petroleum Trust Fund (PTF) tarred more roads and provided more infrastructural amenities for the northern part of Nigeria than for the south although the petroleum revenues from which it derived its funds are in the south143. The origins of this conflict have manifested in two ways namely the role of greed followed by the retaliation of grievance. The role of the oil companies and all other stakeholders in the oil industry in the Niger Delta region has contributed greatly to the conflict; some may even go as far as saying that the oil companies and stakeholders are the cause of the famous “blood oil” conflict.
The international oil companies such as Shell, which have been operating in the delta area for some decades, have recently found themselves in a predicament. They are now being targeted by environmental movements challenging them to renew their infrastructure, which is threatening the already endangered eco-systems that are found in the area, as their old piping is spilling waste materials into the waters of the swamp and the marshland.
The spillage is also a health issue to the inhabitants of this area, as the water is being infected with poisonous gases and oils. Local inhabitants of the delta and local movements fighting for the rights of the locals, say argue that they should have full ownership of their minerals and be
142Ibrahim, J. “The Transformation of Ethno-Regional Identities” In A. Jega (ed). Identity Transformation and
Identity Politics under Structural Adjustment in Nigeria. Kano: Clear-impression Ltd., 2003, pp. 162-167.
143Nkoro, E. (2005:32) “Conflict in the Niger Delta: The way forward”. Accessed 14, June 2010 online from:
http://searchwarp.com/swa20447.htm. Historically, the Niger Delta has been politically and extremely fragmented, and subject to frequent and at times violent disputes over land and fishing rights, as well as over traditional leaders’ political jurisdictions which were to some degree fuelled by the federal political system that is being used in Nigeria (Ikelegbe 2005:10). These all lead to cycles of “revenge violence”, namely grievance. As more powerful weapons became available in the Delta in the mid and late1990s, disputes became more violent. Youth gangs became more powerful and were subsequently willing and able to protect their villages and elders.
part of the stakeholders which benefit from the hard work of the locals and the minerals of their motherland144. Thus, there is clearly an element of greed coming to the surface. The oil companies have been capitalizing on minerals that do not belong to them, making billions of dollars each fiscal year145. One would assume that the part of the country which is generating so much wealth would be one of the most well developed areas in Nigeria. On the contrary, poverty, diseases and an alarming unemployment rate prevail in the region which plays host to so many industrial oil companies. Furthermore, because the oil companies have not been monitoring their infrastructure closely, the result of their irresponsibility is affecting their host communities, as the leakage from old oil pipes poisons the water and farmland.
To some degree, the grievances that the communities and the people of Nigeria have against the companies are understandable. In the view of the locals, these companies occupy their land, take bread out of their mouths (by taking their oil and not creating employment), endanger their lives (through unattended leakages and economic crisis) and leave them with no money, be it directly through employment or indirectly through redistribution in the form of better living conditions by providing services such as pipe-borne water, housing and sanitation. Thus, greed on the part of the oil companies subsequently cultivated grievances in the communities.
There is a massive disruption of socio-economic activities across parts of Nigeria. Firstly, in 2002, internal displacement was estimated by Nigeria’s Vice-President to be 750,000 and it currently is assumed to be over 800,000. Most displaced people lose their businesses due to looting and their homes are often destroyed146. They become dependent on assistance and many sink into poverty.
Secondly, the recurring increase in armed violence that is now a feature of life in different parts of Nigeria engenders an atmosphere of insecurity that discourages formal and informal economic activities. This insecurity derives from both the threat and the actual unleashing of violence. The government estimated that Nigeria has lost at least US$2 billion to the bunkering activities of sea pirates in the Delta region (Vanguard, 9th March 2005)
144Nkoro, Conflict in the Niger Delta, pp. 32-67.
145Ikelegbe, A. “The economy of the conflict in the oil rich Niger Delta region of Nigeria”, Nordic Journal of
African Studies, 2005, Vol. 14 (2), pp. 208-234.
146Bako, T. F. World Economic Recession and the Growth of Religion Intolerance in Nigeria. Ile-Ife: Ibadan 2001,
The disorder in economic activities at the micro level has had negative impacts on savings, investments and earnings. This reality may not be reflected in the national statistics because the national economy is structured and anchored on the big business investments in the oil, gas, and telecommunication sectors. Nonetheless, massive displacement and the destruction of lives and properties limit the ability of the masses to save, invest, or even earn a living. This has knock-on implications for local government authorities responsible for providing social services from local taxation and other means. A further consequence of violence has been reduced government capacity to deliver social services that were sub-standard prior to the intensification of the possession and usage of arms in 1999. Government services including schools, health units, and government offices and officials, have been targets of violence147
. In addition, government resources have been directed towards security rather than social provision, as economic violence increased.