SATISFACCIÓN DE LOS USUARIOS

Gregory shows no knowledge in his writings of a formalized vision theory. Technical terms such as 'visio intellectual is' or ' ecstasis ' are notably absent from his writings. There is no indication whatsoever that he was familiar with Augustine's De Genesi ad litteram book XII, nor does he show any familiarity with Macrobius' Commentary beyond the unavoidable shared use of such common terms as somnium, visio, oraculum and fantasma (fantasma being a spectre or malevolent being for both authors). Gregory did not

distinguish or place a hierarchical value on the terms 'dream' and 'vision', and in many cases he uses the terms interchangeably. [13] All Macrobius' veridical forms of vision are represented in Gregory's work, but so they are

in most hagiographie accounts of the period. Nevertheless Gregory had absorbed through common usage or from literature the means of ejq^ressing or

imaging mystical phenomena in terms vdiich are recognizably Stoic and

Neoplatonic, such as the association of the soul with fire. In this Gregory shares with the early Fathers the language of Christianized Stoicism and Neoplatonism. [14] Likewise the kind of information generally conveyed in vision narratives such as the time and place of the dream or vision is usually provided by him. Gregory's understanding of veridical dreams and visions may therefore be approached by examining the process by which visions were thought to be seen and the setting of the event which provides the

structure of Gregory's vision narratives. i. The process by which visions are seen.

Gregory rarely allows us to glimpse how he and his contemporaries understood the functioning of their visionary experiences. Sometimes stray

comments can elucidate if not a coherent system of understanding, then at least an attempt to document and explain the process at work.

Looking first at Gregory's phraseology we find that there are cases where he hints at differing layers of perception. In many cases he states quite bluntly that a figure was seen in a vision (vidit in visio) or appeared to the recipient (apparet ad eo). Equally commonly we leam that the sight seemed to appear, so that, for example, when St.Venantius needed help reading the office he saw "as if" (quasi) at one window of the ^pse a ladder down which "seemed to descend" (quasi descendentem) a venerable old man who blessed the offering. [VP XVI.2] Nicetius had a dream one time at sea in which, he related: Vidi enim me quasi per universum orbem retia ad capiendum extendere... [ W XVII.5] Why Gregory should choose to make such a distinction in some places but not in others is unclear. [15] It may be that he reported the story as he rememibered it being told, or it may be that he was trying to convey in his own words the sense that the vision was different from others in its syinbolic value. St.Venantius' vision is very similar in its

understanding of the importance of communion to the view expressed in Pope Gregory's Dialogues IV.60. Venantius clearly realized that the old priest

blessing the bread was a sign that communion joined two worlds and that priests were constantly listened to and helped in their clerical duties.

St.Nicetius knew that his dream about casting nets was symbolic of his saving his congregation at the divine office, as Gregory suggested, but it may also have referred to the miracle which follows in the text in which a Christian on a ship filled with pagans called upon Nicetius* name in a storm showing his power over the elements which the pagan gods had been unable to calm.

It is a notable aspect of Gregory's vision narratives that he never uses the term "ecstasy." As we have seen, the visionary's sensation or perception of standing outside of the self during the event, and the bystander's

observation of that suspended state, was considered an important indicator of the validity of the report as being divinely inspired. [16] Furthermore, the Greek term "ecstasis", in Latin exstasis, is a familiar one in hagiographie accounts of the later Merovingian period. This omission in Gregory's

narrative prompts two questions. Firstly, was Gregory unfamiliar with the Augustinian literature in which this term v/as used? And secondly, regardless of his terminological preference, did Gregory understand the concept by which the seer experiences the sensation of being "rapt up" to an extent that it can be observed externally?

To the first question the answer is difficult to ascertain. We cannot be certain of the medium through which Gregory knew the works to which he sometimes referred. Those with which he was most familiar, Gallic sources such as Sulpicius Severus ' Vita Martini did not describe dream-visions as occurring in exstasi. The early sixth century Life of Eugendus in the Vita Patrum Jurensium, which does employ the term, appears not to have been known to Gregory. The term only enters general usage in Merovingian hagiographie literature in the seventh century. [17] Augustine enployed the term, of course, but we do not know the nature of Gregory's contact with his wjorks. There is no evidence that Gregory knew the De Genesi ad litteram.

As to the second question, whether the concept of "ecstasy" if not the term itself is present in Gregory's works, it is clear that it is, both in its internal and its external manifestation. (That is to say in the

visionary's personal understanding of the experience and in its observable outward form.) St.Salvius of Albi reported that he was carried up to the heights of heaven by two angels: adpraehensus a duobus anqelos in caelorum excelsa sublatus sum. His journey took him through the portals of light and

he returned through them on his return. [HF VII. 1] The abbot Brachio saw himself in a vision being led into the presence of God: vidit in

visum.. .ductum se in praesentiam Domini [VP XII.3], and Sunniulf was led to the fiery river in his dream-vision: Ductum se per visum ad cruoddam flumen igneum. [HF IV.33] The seer’s sense of removal from their sleeping or inanimate body, even if it is recognised as being a spiritual travelling only, conforms to classic descriptions of ecstasy. Externally too the

concentration of contemplation is understood to produce a state in which the seer ignores his or her immediate environment. St.Salvius' case is special in that he was believed to have died and revived during the experience, but on his return he showed his alienation from his environment in his not

needing bodily sustenance; he fed for three days on the lingering sweet odour of heaven. [HF VII.I] St.Venantius was returning from his prayers and the basilica of the saints wAien in the middle of the forecourt of the church, erectis auribus oculisque ad caelum diutissime adtentis, stetit immobilis.[VP XVI.2] This static pose, held for a long time is the closest we get in

Gregory's works to the description of an ecstatic trance. When Venant ius broke free of it he is described as taking a few steps forward and groaning. The bystanders were well aware of v^iat was happening for one of them asked him Wiat it was and if he had seen some divine thing. Venant ius had been hearing mass being sung in heaven.

If the idea of an ecstatic state is not unfamiliar to Gregory, it is certainly not common. The vast majority of descriptions state quite sinply that the seer saw a nocturnal or daytime vision or saw a dream-vision. There is, however, a type of visionary experience which Gregory makes his own; that of the inadvertent witnessing of tl^ operations of the other world obtained by means of a kind of "tresspass" on its privacy. This type of experience is the ultimate in unstructured viewing. That is to say that the transition from the mortal world to the divine world occurs to all intents and purposes without the crossing of boundaries through the medium of a dream or ecstasy. This form of vision will be examined further on.

ii. Time and place in Gregory's vision narratives.

Certain types of information was commonly provided in visionary literature to describe the place, time and circumstances of the visionary event. [18] These details provided the structure of the story, and as a

raconteur Gregory had a keen sense of dramatic scene setting. The inclusion of such information does not necessarily mean that it was regarded as being significant beyond its compositional function.

The time of day at vhich the dream or vision is received does not appear to influence Gregory's judgement of its validity. Most visions are described as being nocturnal, or more precisely "at about midnight" [ W XII.3], but there are exanples of daytime experiences including Gregory's own vision of his mother in a "dream at noon." [Virt.Mart.I praef. ; see also W XVII.3]. More significant is the use of liturgical time for some experiences.

St.Venantius was celebrating Mass when his eyes were covered by darkness, and he asked that another priest perform the service in his stead. As the priest proceeded with the service. Venant ius saw an aged clergyman descend from a window in the apse by means of a ladder and bless the sacrifice. This was the moment when ut sanctum munus iuxta morem catholicum, signo crucis

superposito, benediceretur. [VP XVI.2] The Mass vias considered a propitious

moment for a mystical experience. Not only was it the culmination of the service, but was that moment when heaven and earth were thought to join.

The duration of the experience in Gregory's stories, when he mentions it at all, is almost always "for a very long time" (diutissime). St.Venantius, who saw that the mass was already in progress in heaven, was observed by bystanders; erectis auribus oculisque ad caelum diutissime adtentis, stetit inmobilis. [VP XVI.2] By contrast the miraculous appearance of signs to observers wvere seen to appear "suddenly" on the walls of houses. [HF IV. 5] The passage of time was an important element in the visionary experience. Visions showed that the correct observance of time for conducting the liturgy was a concern of the saints. In one vision St.Stephen was seen to apologise to the other saints assembled in a church for his delayed arrival; he had been saving a ship and its crew from disaster. [GM 33] In another vision, seen by Gregory himself in his sleep, an apparition admonished him three times telling him to wake up and return to the cathedral to observe the Christmas Eve vigil there. By this experience Gregory was warned that the Christmas Eve vigil was not the right time to take a nap. 86]

There ware many places wAiere a vision could be received. The most common was at what might be described as the 'workplace. ' For clergymen the environs of the church or tomb was often cited as the venue. The recipient of the vision might be attending Mass, or else be in the forecourt (atrium)

of the church on their way to Mass. [ W XVI.2] Bishop Trojanus of Saintes was walking around the holy shrines per obscuram noctem when he saw a ball of

light , and Gregory missed a chance of a vision at an oratory dedicated to the virgin Mary at Marsat while on his way to keep a vigil there. 8] Recluses often had their experiences in their cell, military commanders had theirs on the field of battle, or outside a city under siege, the sick and dying experienced theirs on their sickbed or in church, close to a saint's tomb.

With reference to visions associated with a tomb, it should be noted that in Gregory's writings there are no clear-cut examples of incubation at a saint's tomb for the expressed purpose of receiving a dream or vision

revelation. In St .Martin's at Tours the sick were accustomed to lie between the tomb and the altar, but their recovery wms due to imbibing a draft

containing dust from his tomb, not from pleading for a revelation, [19]

Nevertheless dream-visions did offer cures around altars, and there is a fine line between petitioning aid at a tomb and sleeping there, and incubation. The only case wAiere a person is described as asking directly for a

revelation, and that is wÈien Eberigisilus prayed that it be revealed to him where the martyr Mallosus' relics wjere to be found. [GM 62]

iii. The seer and the seen; theological implications, a. The person of the visionary.

Bishop saints, martyrs and to a lesser extent lower ranks of clergymen account for the greatest number of both visionaries and apparitions in

Gregory's works. This is in direct contrast to the visionaries and celestial visitants of Gregory the Great's Dialogues which is overwhelmingly monastic and secular. Gregory of Tours' History and the greater part of his saintly biographies centre on the spiritual and administrative activities of the Gallic clergy, and so the visions narrated issue from this milieu and reflect their values. (This will be discussed at greater length in section III). Like Pope Gregory's Dialogues, however, Gregory of Tours relies heavily on visions and miracles which involve apparitions and visionaries close to home; those which are foreign tend to be those culled from Christian history and literature.

Not everyone was admitted to the vision of an apparition even when it took place in their presence. Gregory, in common with most vision recorders

noted when a vision was seen by all present at the site, or more commonly when it was seen only by one. The seer w/as selected based on criteria of worthiness and necessity. When St.Venantius saw his vision of a cleric

descending from a ladder during Mass, Gregory notes quod nul lus vider e meruit nisi ipse tantum; reliqui vero cur non vider int, ignoramus. [VP XVI. 2]

Although Gregory claims he doesn't know why the others present did not see the vision, he surely provides his own answer here: only St.Venantius merited the vision. Bishop Severinus of Cologne, vir honestae vitae et per cuncta laudabilis, heard choirs singing in heaven at the very hour of St. Mart in's death, but his archdeacon could not hear them. Gregory comments, Sed credo, eum non fuisse aegualis meriti, a quo haec non merebantur audiri. [Virt.Mart 1.4] On another occasion when Gregory tried to enter a church to see a celestial gathering which he believed to be the cause of the light emanating from it, he found the church dark inside. He knew the reason why he did not see a vision: credo a caligine peccatorum meorum. [GM 8]

Even those ordained to see an apparition might not be privy to the whole vision. Builders engaged in raising a church in honour of St.Benignus saw an old woman dressed in black with hair as white as a swan's and a 'glorious' face who encouraged them in their work. She addressed them, conluding Nam si permitteretur, ut vestrorum oculorum acies contemplaret, nempe videbatis vobis operantibus sanctum praeire Benignum. [GM 50; GÇ 42] The builders took the old woman for an apparition of the nun Paschasia who w?as venerated at a neighbouring church. Why the builders believed they could see Paschasia but not Benignus is not disclosed, nor does Gregory elucidate the difference between that vision which enabled the builders to see Paschasia, and that

"keenness" of vision which would enable them to see Benignus. In any case it illustrates an interesting understanding of varying levels of visionary sight even within the context of a single vision ex^rience. [20]

Access to a visionary experience did not depend on physical abilities, and so Gregory shared with Augustine the belief that the blind could have a mystical vision. He tells how a certain blind man had a dream in which appeared a man vho told him to pray before the altar of St.Nicetius. There he wjould receive his sight. [VP VIII.8] On another occasion the blessed Monegund appeared in a dream to a blind man and cured one of his eyes of its blindness. The other would be cured by St .Martin of Tours. [VP XIX. 4]

their dream-images.

b. The identity of the vision seen.

The visionary figures who populate vision narratives in Gregory's works, like the visionary recipients, are overwhelmingly saints of clerical and episcopal status. In part this is due to the ecclesiastical bias in

Gregory's works, but in part it is likely that the increase in vision reports involving saints, episcopal or otherwise, was a direct result of the

ejq>ansion of the cult of saints, especially at the local level. [21] In this period we see the increasing development of intercessory portfolios for particular saints, so that for example St.Martin became renowned for eye- cures, and the martyrs Polyeuctus and Prancatius supervised oaths and punished those who committed perjury. [GM 102; ^ 38] Such association of certain saints with certain benefits, and their increasing number in every diocese was responsible for the exq)losion of local saints into the arena of the visionary phenomenon. Even though Gregory's foremost concern was to promote the cult of St. Mar tin on a national level (and most unusual

happenings witnessed by Gregory himself were attributed to Martin's agency) Gregory is the single most active propagator of the cult of local saints and of the visionary accounts associated with them.

The sixth century was a time of economic misery. Bad harvests, the result of unfavourable climactic conditions recorded, bred disease and

susceptibility to imported epidemics. These problems were compounded by the internecine warring of the Merovingian kings, chronic social violence, and punitive taxes. [22] More than ever before the sick and dispossessed gathered at the altars and tombs of Gallic churches hoping for miraculous solutions to the legacy of these social ills. Their numbers must have encouraged a mood of general expectation which made them receptive to evidence of miraculous intervention, even if only in their dreams. Gregory's own experiences and those of the clergy he records testify to the fact that clergy no less than lay petitioners were infected by this exqxectation.

Apparitions of bishop saints demonstrated that even beyond the grave the episcopate remained the people's truest ally, exercising its authority over