Early school leaving (ESL) is regarded as a significant policy challenge internationally. Although rates of early school leaving have declined in Europe in recent decades, it is still estimated that 12 per cent of young people aged between 18 and 24 have not completed upper secondary education and are no longer in education and training (European Commission, 2017). The European Union has a target of 10 per cent for all EU countries by 2020 and some countries (including Ireland) have already achieved this target (European Commission, 2017). The 2020 targets, in particular, identify two key educational targets across countries, relating to participation in higher education and early school leaving levels. Ireland has exceeded both sets of targets.
Although patterns of early school leaving continue to differ across EU national contexts and systems of education, research consistently shows that young people who leave school early are disproportionately from disadvantaged social class backgrounds (European Commission, 2017). Research in this area often focuses on the role of individual and family factors in influencing the likelihood of a young person being excluded from, or leaving, school. Although there is no direct causal link between poor life outcomes and early school leaving, studies show that it may be ‘indicative of other factors that have shaped the person’s economic
opportunities’ (Lamb et al., 2015). Both national and international studies show that early school leavers have common characteristics in that they are more likely to be male, have low school attainment, behavioural problems, have ongoing social, emotional or health issues, have special educational needs, are living in poverty and have ill-health or have experienced trauma (Riddell et al., 2012; McCluskey et al., 2015; Kennelly et al., 2007; European Commission, 2017). On average women have consistently lower rates of early school leaving across the EU, with a gap of 3 per cent remaining over time (European Commission, 2017). Early school leaving also varies significantly according to where people are born, with higher rates among foreign-born students compared to native born (the reverse is true, however, in Ireland and the UK) (European Commission, 2016; Kaye et al., 2017), although others suggest that it is most likely socio-economic and school- related factors driving these patterns (Hippe et al., 2018). Commentators argue that it is when multiple risk factors combine that the likelihood of a student leaving school increases (Hammond et al., 2007).
Early school leaving is often discussed within the context of broader cultural perspectives on the relationship between schools and inequality. Theories of social reproduction argue that social class differentiation stems from the unequal distribution of economic, social and cultural resources or ‘capital’ which influence young people’s values and motivations (Bourdieu et al., 1990). The school, therefore, transmits a ‘cultural capital’ which incorporates these values as well as a body of attitudes. Middle-class students, who are more familiar with the ‘values, attitudes, language and styles of interaction’ (Byrne et al., 2010) of the dominant culture, therefore fare better academically. Students with little understanding of this form of capital can have more negative attitudes to school and their teachers, low academic attainment and low expectations for their future. Exclusion and withdrawal from school therefore takes place as a result of the mismatch between the dominant school and societal culture and the young person’s own culture.
The role of school organisation and process in early school leaving has also received attention internationally (Teddlie and Reynolds, 2000). In recent years, a large- scale European study across nine EU Member States, Reducing Early School Leaving in Europe (RESL), has produced a significant amount of research on early school leaving and youth trajectories from the perspective of the school, school personnel, and risk and protective factors. One of these studies by Tomaszewska- Pękała et al. (2017) focussed on the way in which those at risk of early school leaving characterised school life and the prevailing school culture. Using interviews with young people, they highlight the perception that for some, school is interpreted as ‘a somewhat artificial place with a lot of childish rules and practices’ (p. 65). In Ireland, the first study of school effectiveness and drop-out considered the role of school organisation and practice in shaping early school leaving (McCoy, 2000). This study highlights the detrimental impact of a negative pattern of
interaction between students and their teachers in the progress of young people at risk. The study also points to the important role of parental involvement and the multidimensional nature of this influence. Pupil integration, through both formal and informal means, was also highlighted. These issues were similarly raised in research examining the role of school processes in shaping school attendance (Darmody et al., 2008; McCoy et al., 2007). Practices of educational streaming, tracking or ability grouping are often criticised because of how they can lower teacher expectations and how separation from other students can lead to disengagement and alienation from the learning process (Byrne and Smyth, 2010). Also in Ireland, Byrne and Smyth (2010) show that students in the lowest streamed class are 13 times more likely to leave school early compared to those in mixed ability classes. Again, the quality of relationships between students and their teachers is considered a key dynamic of school climate with negative relationships found to be an important contributor to early school leaving (Byrne and Smyth, 2010; Davis et al., 2008).
A prominent feature of Irish educational policy on disadvantage has centred on the allocation of additional resources to schools serving disadvantaged populations. Recent research drawing on the Growing Up in Ireland study highlights the importance of focusing on school composition in understanding educational outcomes like early school leaving. McCoy et al. (2014) provide new insights into the processes underlying differences in student outcomes across contexts. They find that the most disadvantaged schools, Urban Band 1 primary schools, are found to have a ‘contextual effect’ for both reading and Mathematics. In other words, students attending the most disadvantaged schools fare less well, all else being equal. Thus, there is evidence that there is a ‘threshold’ effect, whereby concentration of disadvantage beyond a certain point results in lower levels of achievement. This achievement gap is found to reflect differences in teacher experience and turnover, the concentration of additional learning needs, absenteeism levels and children’s engagement in school. Further, school context was also found to be important in the identification of special educational needs. McCoy et al. (2012) show that children attending highly disadvantaged school contexts are far more likely to be identified with behavioural problems and less likely to be identified with learning disabilities than children with similar characteristics attending other schools (McCoy et al., 2012). This has clear implications for the nature of supports offered to these students.