To pursue the question of Scott’s view of historical determinism and its relation to
historical erasure, I propose we follow Ricoeur and start from Aristotle’s Theaetetus and what Socrates has to say: “Whatever is impressed upon the wax we remember and know so long as the
know” (191d). Thus, Old Mortality makes it his life work never to let the inscriptions on the
tombs completely fade, and Scott implicitly cautions us against repairs that erase any markings of the past. In Waverley and Old Mortality, Scott emphasizes the past as a trace, and hints at the
possibility of losing the past if the traces are not preserved. While Waverley weaves an intricate argument for the benefits of the union and privileges the rational there is still a persistent longing
and a romantic / nostalgic need for the past in the present. In writing Waverley, Scott has retold and reinscribed into collective memory a time in Scottish history that may be in danger of being
forgotten. Waverley vacillates between remembering and forgetting. On one end, the industrial progress and the economic improvements that Scotland has undergone due to its union with
England, the “total eradiction of the Jacobite” culture irons out the tension that is Scotland. Like Bradwardine’s estate, Scotland has been retouched and refurbished to no longer bear the signs of
its violent past. On another end, Scott, the remembrancer, pushes the past into the present and impresses it on the pages of his novel. This is best explained in Scott’s postscript to Waverley:
There is no European nation which, within the course of half a century, or little more, has undergone so complete a change as the kingdom of Scotland. The
effects of the insurrection of 1745 — the destruction of the patriarchal power of the Higland chiefs — the abolition of the heritable jurisdictions of the Lowland
nobility and barons — the total eradiction of the Jacobite party, which averse to intermingle with the English, or adopt their customs, long continued to pride
themselves upon maintaining ancient Scottish manners and customs —
commmenced this innovation [ . . .] This race has now almost entirely vanished
many living examples of singular and disinterested attachments to the prinicples
of loyalty, which they received from their fathers, and of old Scottish faith, hospitality, worth, and honour. (492)
The postscript, which Scott’s subtitle tells us “should have been a preface” (491) sums up
Waverley’s argument: progress is positive, but we should be aware that in the name of progress
we might lose those singular aspects that are worth cherishing. Lockhart describes an incident in 1806, where Scott participated in a debate, at the Faculty of Advocates, surrounding
the reform of Scottish legal procedure:
When the meeting broke up, he walked across the Mound, on his way to Castle
Street, between Mr Jeffrey and another of his reforming friends, who
complimented him on the rhetorical powers he had been displaying, and would
willingly have treated the subject-matter of the discussion playfully. But his feelings had been moved far beyond their apprehension: he exclaimed: ‘No, no —
‘tis no laughing matter; little by little, whatever your wishes may be, you will destroy and undermine, until nothing of what makes Scotland Scotland shall
remain.’ And so saying, he turned round to conceal his agitation — but not until Mr Jeffrey saw tears gushing down his cheek. (##)
Notwithstanding Lockhart’s pathetic rhetoric that draws a Scott with “tears gushing down his cheek,” and Duncan’s caution that Lockhart misrepresents Scott, the poignancy of Scott’s
sentiments remains significant for it reflects the complex attitude towards reform depicted in his novels, the agitation felt when one realizes that that the current historical moment dictates the
grew to love and admire, and we are left with Edward whom Scott himself, in a 1814 letter to a
friend, referred to as “a sneaking imbecile” (qtd in Hook). Similarly to Flora’s dignified resignation to the events that lead to her expulsion, Scott expels Redgauntlet to the Scottish
Monastery at Ratisbon in Germany, where he lives out his days in seclusion and extreme self- effacement: “it was remarked, that though he listened with interest and attention, when Britain,
or particularly Scotland, became the subject of conversation, yet he never either introduced or prolonged the subject, never used the English language, never inquired after English affairs, and,
above all, never mentioned his family” (379). We also learn from Oldbuck, who writes the epilogue, that there was an attempt to have him sainted, an undertaking that was prevented due to
the probability that the relic Redgauntlet wore around his neck — a silver box storing a lock of hair — was
taken from the head of a brother of the deceased Prior, who had been executed for his adherence to the Stuart family in 1745-6; and the motto, Haud obliviscendum
[never to be forgotten], seemed to intimate a tone of mundane feeling and
recollection of injuries, which made it at least doubtful whether, even in the quiet
and gloom of cloister, Father Hugo had forgotten the sufferings and injuries of the House of Redgauntlet. (380)
It is this paragraph that concludes the novel. Redgauntlet would never be able to be integrated into a British nation because he cannot leave his memories behind. The Scots cannot
be subjected to Englishness without giving up their memories. Implicit in Redgauntlet’s hold over the past is an injunction not to forget. Not forgetting also implies the past’s persistent nature
also think of Ivanhoe’s Rebecca) serve Scott as a strategy to invite sympathy — readers are faced
with the difficult and painful position of one who is in exile, who is erased from the historical process but still holds onto a past that can no longer be sustained. It is here that Scott perhaps
reaches a particular ethical stance in his historiography. The reader cannot help but wonder whether Scott, whose early writing career focused on retelling Scottish ballads and history,
would rather live in a world inhabited with Flora, the bard and guardian of the Scottish past, and Redgauntlet, who cherishes the past, or Waverley who appropriates and in refurbishing destroys
the nation’s heritage.
Because the endings of Waverley and Redgauntlet rest on the tension between
remembering and forgetting, the arguments of the novels’ endorsement of historical determinacy and historical erasure is complicated and engulfed in ambiguity. In Redgauntlet, Scott teases out
this complex ambiguity to an extreme. Extending Rohan Maitzen’s argument that Redgauntlet
refuses a “teleological and deterministic philosophy of history, proposing a specific function for
fiction in historical understanding” (170), I argue that Redgauntlet is a palimpsestous revision of the Jacobite memory and a willful act of historical erasure and an anxious attempt at freeing a
collective memory from the past. Redgauntlet’s impulse is to invent a different history, a history in which the actors have a choice. Yet Redgauntlet’s exercise of choice is also consciously ridden
with anxiety over the past. The past disruptively overwrites the present. If in Waverley, Scott controlled his impulse to disturb the present stability of the union, he forcefully disturbs the
historical process in Redgauntlet as it boldly asks what if there were another Jacobite rebellion? In many ways, Darsie and Waverley are similar. Both are caught up in a Jacobite
young man, who does not quite know what he wants from life. Scott often describes him as an
irrational youth, easily seduced by more “romantic” notions of life and manners. Most criticism follows what Scott on the surface wants us to accept: Edward Waverley’s youthful, romantic
sensibilities will be modulated into the more mature, rational Waverley. Such a reading enables us to argue that Scott dismisses romantic notions of identity and history in favor of a rationalist,
Enlightenment bildung. But this reading works all too easily for a writer who often plays with his readers. We have already seen that the ending that appears to endorse the union at once raises the
question of the union, signaling to the uncomfortable realization that the stability of the union and the progressive historical process depends on fiction, the Waverley novel itself, and on a
naive “sneaking imbecile.” The grand fiction of the historical process and of Edward Waverley is the fiction of historical determinism.
Redgauntlet’s engagement with historical determinism is complicated because it situates free will and destiny in a dialectical relationship. In addition, historical determinism is made
even more problematic because Redgauntlet in effect rests on the reversal of the historical process. In Waverley, the argument rested on the Edward Waverley’s bildung. Waverley’s
involvement in the Jacobite insurrection of 1745 is in many ways by pure accident and enforced by his romantic interest in Flora, and his own romantic sensibilities. Yet, Waverley’s self is
constantly depicted as a space upon which Enlightenment rationality and Romantic irrationality collide and compete. Scott makes a point that Waverley “felt an inexpressible repugnance at the
idea of being accessary to the plague of civil war” (222). Waverley, however, seems to quickly repress this “inexpressible repugnance” when he sees himself clothed in the “garb of Old
Our hero having now fairly assumed the ‘garb of the Old Gaul’, well calculated as
it was to give an appearance of strength to a figure, though tall and well-made, was rather elegant than robust, I hope my fair readers will excuse him if he looked
at himself in the mirror more than once, and could not help acknowledging that the reflection seemed that of a very handsome young fellow. (306)
As if this scene was not enough to diminish the importance of our reluctant revolutionary, Scott playfully continues to heighten the ridiculous position Waverley has found himself in:
In fact, there was no disguising it. His light-brown hair — for he wore no periwig, notwithstanding the universal fashion of the time — became the bonnet which
surmounted it. His person promised firmness and agility, to which the ample folds of the tartan added an air of dignity. His blue eyes seemed of that kind,
Which melted in love, and which kindled in war;
and an air of bashfulness, which was in reality the effect of want of habitual
intercourse with the world, gave interest to his features, without injuring their grace or intelligence. (306)
Observing Waverley transformed, all Evan Dhu can say is: “ ‘He’s a pratty man — a very pratty man’” (306). The would-be Highland warrior is unmade in the very act of making, an
anachronism in the very moment of unfolding. In the end, Waverley’s entrance into adulthood is marked by his rationality and embracing of his position in the historical process — the heir to his
father’s temperate, rational Whig politics: “the romance of his life has ended” and “its real history had now commenced. He was soon called upon to justify his pretensions by reason and
Waverley’s entrance into his “real history” haunts the pages to follow. Flora, whose very
name inscribes the untamable nature, the dark force of romantic ideals, holds true to her political and religious beliefs, but her exile is more real than any other. She will spend the remainder of
her life in a Catholic convent in France. On one end, Scott expels her from the Union because Flora represents the disruptive force that prevents progress, but Scott is sympathetic to this
character, and the romance of Flora’s life is her real history. Scott is very careful to distinguish between Flora’s “pure passion” (170), her pure political faith and love of clan “which was almost
hereditary” (169), i.e. natural, and her brother’s “tinctured” and “tainted” political belief. Fergus, although the Chief of the Highlanders, does not carry the burden of political ideals. He acts in
history with a “view of interest and advancement” (168). It is thus difficult to be a sympathetic reader when in the final meeting between Waverley and Fergus, Fergus’ seeming idealism is
betrayed by the narrator as delusional: “‘You see the compliment they pay to our Highland strength and courage — we have lain chained here like wild beasts [. . .] and when they free us,
they send six soldiers with loaded muskets to prevent our taking the castle by storm!’ Edward afterwards learns the ironic truth that “these severe precautions had been taken in consequence of
a desperate attempt of the prisoners to escape, in which they had very nearly succeeded” (473). Here, the determinism of the failed revolution is apparent. The prisoners’ will and choice to
escape is not in the name of the rebellion, but in the name of escaping and admitting failure. By contrast, in Redgauntlet Darsie’s situation is more complex and clouded in ambiguity.
Immediately labeled as a romantic mind, Darsie also has a rational side to him. However, it is precisely Darsie’s romantic sensibilities that aid him in resisting his uncle and taking part in a
Waverley. On Darsie’s mind, uncontrollable romantic and temperate rational sensibilities operate
synchronically rather than, as in Waverley, sequentially. As I have mentioned earlier, the first part of the novel is written in epistolary form; we read the exchange of letters between Darsie and
Alan. The letters present an implicit argument about the nature of the historical novel, or to use Scott’s more apt formulation, historical romance, and the competing Enlightenment and
Romantic discourses that play off one another in the genre. Alan responding to Darsie, cautions him early on: “View things as they are, and not as they seem to be magnified through thy
teeming fancy” (13), concluding the letter with a friendly plea, “Keep guard, therefore, on your imagination, my dear Darsie” (14).
Given that Redgauntlet imagines a third Jacobite rising, this caution against too much imagination becomes significant. Since Scott is completely fictionalizing the history in
Redgauntlet, he has all the freedom to imagine the outcome of this third rebellion. There are no historical facts to keep his imagination in check, and he could with ease write out the victory of
the Jacobites and effectively revise history and offer a radical counterhistory. He has the free will to forget the past. But Alan warns Darsie to keep guard on his imagination, and this becomes a
warning by Scott to Scott himself, a Lukácsian reflection on his reflection. This distortion of the imagination also functions as a palimpsest as the text simultaneously writes and overwrites the
imaginative history. Destiny, the historically determined present, restricts the possibility of choosing to forget. The text moves towards the third Jacobite rising, the text inscribes this
possibility, and at the moment of its origin, it defaces it. The trace of the possibility remains, however.
Scott sympathizes with the living memories carried by the remaining Jacobite culture, but
as Alan warns Darsie, he needs to see “things as they are.” By 1824, when Redgauntlet was published, Jacobite sentiments have been tempered. In the Preface to Redgauntlet’s 1828 edition
within the Magnum Opus, Scott explains the driving force behind not only the story of the fictitious Redgauntlet and rising of 1765, but also his earlier Jacobite histories:
The Jacobite enthusiasm of the 18th century, particularly during the rebellion of 1745, afforded a theme, perhaps the finest that could be selected for fictitious
composition, founded upon real or probable incident. This civil war, and its remarkable events, were remembered by the existing generation without any
degree of bitterness of spirit which seldom fails to attend internal dissension. The Highlanders, who formed the principle strength of Charles Edward’s army, were
an ancient and high-spirited race, peculiar in their habits of war and peace, brave to romance, and exhibiting a character turning upon points more adapted to poetry
than to the prose of real life. (205)
Here is a “remarkable,” real or probable event and an “ancient and high-spirited race” that is
more suited to poetry. Scott aestheticizes the historical event by removing it from the “prose of real life” to the realm of the imagination and fiction. A particular event can become too much for
reality to handle and must be exiled into the realm of poetry. Scott reflects on the competing attitudes towards the past, the desire to romanticize or aestheticize the past, to make poetry out of
the “prose of real life” and the need to rationalize, remaining objective towards the past. The preface ends on a nostalgic note that calls on readers to remember and respect the
Those who remember such old men will probably agree that the progress of time,
which has withdrawn all of them from the field, has removed, at the same time, a peculiar and striking feature of ancient manners. Their love of past times, their
tales of bloody battles fought against romantic odds, were all dear to the
imagination, and their little idolatry of locks of hair, pictures, rings, ribbons, and
other memorials of the time in which they still seemed to live, was an interesting enthusiasm. (214)
And yet, these “innocuous and respectable grandsires” with their “little idolatry of locks of hair” and other trinkets could come in the guise of one Doctor Archibald Cameron, whose
history Scott traces in the preface that seemingly wants to dispel any remaining Jacobite reality. Scott tells us that Dr. Cameron, brother of the “celebrated Donald Cameron of Lochiel, attainted
for the rebellion of 1745, was found by a party of soldiers lurking with a comrade in the wilds of Loch Katrine, five or six years after the battle of Culloden” (207). The past of 1745 was still