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Psychological factors, as described in O’Sullivan and Green’s model (2011), mentioned above, include characteristics such as motivation, emotional response and personality. Among these, affective factors can influence students’ attitudes towards learning and performance. Test-anxiety, for instance, has been found to have detrimental effects on students’ psychological well-being (Zeidner, 1998; 2014).

Affective factors may be understood as emotional factors, which influence learning. These can have both positive and negative effects; negative affective factors are referred to as ‘affective filters’, which draw on the Affective filter hypothesis first proposed by Dulay and Burt (1977), which was later incorporated in Krashen’s (1985) Input hypothesis. Krashen (1985) argued in order for learners to be able to acquire a second language, they need to obtain ‘comprehensible input’ and the ‘affective filters’ need to be low enough to allow the learner to process the information. According to his theory, affect includes motivation, attitude, anxiety and self-confidence. While there have been some criticisms to the input hypothesis, the terminology of ‘affective factors’ is widely used in Second Language Acquisition (SLA) research. Affective factors, more generally, are seen to play a significant role in SLA. According to Krashen (1985), when the ‘affective filter’ is high, this can create a barrier to acquisition. The affective filter is high when the learner is either unmotivated, lacks in confidence or may be concerned with failure and thus experience great anxiety. The affective filter is low when the learner is not anxious and is motivated to learn. As mentioned above, Krashen (1985) theorised four factors, which can influence SLA. These are the following: motivation, attitude, anxiety, and self-confidence. Further research into SLA has identified these factors, among others, as contributing to SLA.

The word motivation comes from the Latin movere, which means ‘to move’. Motivation, therefore refers to ‘what moves a person to make certain choices, to engage in action, to expand effort and to persist in action’ (Dörnyei and Ushioda, 2013, p. 3).

Motivation has been identified by researchers and educators as a key factor for successful language learning. Without sufficient motivation, even students with the most remarkable abilities struggle to accomplish long-term goals, and even appropriate curricula and good teaching are not enough to ensure achievement (Dörnyei and Csizér, 1998).

Dörnyei and Ushioda (2013) make reference to the well-known distinction between intrinsic and extrinsic motivation. Intrinsic motivation (IM) refers to behaviour exhibited in order to experience pleasure and satisfaction, such as the joy of doing an activity or satisfying one’s curiosity. Extrinsic motivation (EM), on the other hand, refers to performing a behaviour as a means to an end, for instance to receive a reward or avoiding punishment. Dörnyei and Ushioda (2013, p.23) also mention a third term, i.e. amotivation (AM), which refers to the lack of any kind of motivation, whether intrinsic or extrinsic. This distinction was first made within psychological theory and later become employed more broadly. Bandura (1997) for instance, describes intrinsic motivation as the enjoyment or love for a particular activity. Traditionally, extrinsic motivation has been viewed as something, which can undermine intrinsic motivation. Lepper and Greene (1978), for instance, found that students lost their natural intrinsic interest in an activity if they had to meet some extrinsic requirements. Deci and Ryan (1985) and Ryan and Deci (2000), however, criticised this dichotomy and suggested that replacing the distinction between extrinsic and intrinsic motivation with the principles of what they termed self-determination theory (SDT). In their view, extrinsic goals may be ‘fully internalised within a person’s self-concept’ (Dörnyei and Ushioda, 2013, p.24). For example, a learner may value being able to speak a particular language but also enjoy the learning process. Deci and Ryan (2000) thus, view extrinsic motivation as behaviour, which can either be entirely externally regulated (motivated by external rewards or fear of punishment), or in part externally regulated (through self-control in order to comply with expected norms) and also somewhat internally motivated (when people attribute personal importance to an activity).

motivation. For some students, therefore, working in groups, rather than individually, is preferable as it provides them opportunities to work together and share ideas or experiences with one another. This experience can also increase the potential for superior learning. Some studies on motivation have suggested that the familiarity of the content, as well as opportunities to compare the foreign culture to their own, may increase intrinsic motivation for some students. A study carried out in Chile found that learners developed their intrinsic motivation when they were presented with a variety of different English language contexts, which they could compare to their own culture (Glas and Cardenas-Claros, 2013). The authors suggest that learners need to be exposed to a combination of both global and local contexts so that they understand the cultural context within which English is employed as the lingua franca. This combination can also help students understand how English is used within their own cultural context.

Students studying a second language can also be significantly influenced by the social and cultural context. Teachers, for instance, can affect students’ motivation in both positive and negative ways. Dörnyei and Ushioda (2013) place emphasis on teachers’ perspectives on students’ motivation yet highlight that the role teachers play in engaging students in the learning process is complex as ‘it concerns almost all academic and social aspects of the classroom environment’ (Kubanyiova, 2006 cited in Dörnyei and Ushioda, 2013, p.28). Veenman (1984), examined the perception of the problems that teachers new to the profession face, found that teachers ranked motivating pupils as the second most serious source of difficulty. While Veenman (1984) explored the views of novice teachers, ‘the question of how student motivation can be increased remains a prevailing issue for seasoned practitioners as well’ (Dörnyei and Ushioda, 2013, p.105). Teachers’ beliefs regarding student motivation can influence the efforts expended and strategies used for motivating students (Hardré et al., 2006). It is thus of paramount importance to understand teachers’ beliefs regarding the goals that students have, their interest and perceived value of the material, and teachers’ beliefs regarding the nature of student motivation (Hardré and Sullivan, 2008, 2009; Kaplan and Maehr, 2007).

Furthermore, social milieu, comprising of the teachers, students and the classroom climate, which develops as a result of the interaction, can also influence motivation. Research has

repeatedly demonstrated the relationship between classroom environment and student motivation (Greene et al. 2004; Hardré et al. 2007; Hardré and Sullivan, 2008). Furthermore, teachers’ supportiveness as well as their interpersonal style, has also been found to influence student motivation (Anderman and Wolters, 2006). Teachers’ perceptions and beliefs can thus influence both classroom practice and the effort teachers make to increase student motivation (Linnenbrink and Pintrich, 2002).

With regards to the Saudi context, Alrabai (2014) argued that teachers generally focus more on their teaching practices and completely neglect the motivational aspects of the curriculum. Alrabai (2014) further reveals that the EFL curriculum in Saudi Arabia does not address ‘students’ interests, needs, goals, experiences, daily life activities and real-world situations (pp. 242-243). The overwhelmingly teacher-focused approach adopted in this context can further affect students’ motivation as they may feel that the topics are not relevant to them and that their perspective on the learning experience is not valued. Al-Seghayer (2011) claimed that the key missing ingredient for most Saudi students is intrinsic motivation, which is essential for becoming proficient users of English. Saudi students learn English because it is an educational requirement, hence as a result of external pressures, yet they have minimal internal motivation and their attitude towards learning English are often negative (Al- Seghayer, 2017, p.39). Similarly, Mahmoud (2014) also found that Saudi students frequently lack motivation towards studying English, which can affect the effort that students make towards their learning.

Aside from the previously mentioned factors, there are also internal factors that might influence Saudi students’ lack of motivation for learning English. Al-Rabai (2014), for instance, found that low self-esteem, self-confidence, and motivational intensity strongly influenced Saudi EFL students’ learning. Elyas and Al-Grigri (2014), who explored teachers’ perspective on the motivation of Saudi students for learning English, found that students exhibited low levels of motivation for the subject. As Ahmad (2015) suggests, some Saudis hardly acknowledge that English is an important skill for success in educational and occupational careers. This has implications both for students’ motivation while studying the language and for the educational outcomes.

Language anxiety and stress can affect the way learners perform both on tests, such as the OOPT, as well as on a language course. Speaking, in particular, is often a greater cause of stress to students compared to the other skills of reading, listening and writing, as other students as well as the teacher can evaluate the performance. The extent to which a student is more or less familiar with a specific task can have an impact on the degree to which they feel unsure or uncomfortable with the exercise or assessment. Test-related anxiety can also affect the results students obtain on a test. The measurement properties of an achievement test could, for instance, differ across students with low, medium and high test-anxiety. This means that it would not be possible to compare test scores across these groups of students (Vogl and Pekrun, 2016).

Numerous studies carried out in Saudi Arabia have found that language anxiety manifests itself prominently among most Saudi EFL learners (Alrabai, 2015; Al-Saraj, 2014; Javid, 2014; Mohammed, 2016). Alrabai (2014) stressed that, in some instances, Saudi students’ low competence in English could be linked to anxiety. He argued that students often appear reluctant to take part in classroom discussions and hesitant in providing responses when asked. They are generally unwilling to engage in speaking activities and heavily rely on the teacher. This was found to be a concern for both male and female students, who were found to exhibit the same degree of language anxiety (Alshahrani and Alandal, 2015). The extent to which a student feels uneasy communicating in the classroom is likely to be linked to the teaching methods adopted in both Saudi schools and HE. Aljumah (2011) asserts that students are offered insufficient opportunities to practise the TL and therefore find it difficult to speak in class and, when they do speak, these are brief utterances. He added that in the Saudi EFL classroom ‘teachers and students are usually on opposing sides: teachers speak constantly, whereas students mumble and swallow their words or say nothing (p. 85)’. Rabab’ah (2002) correspondingly emphasised that, both in public schools and at university, students in Saudi Arabia are not provided with sufficient opportunities to practise speaking English in the classroom.

Experiential characteristics include a variety of factors such as examination preparedness, previous education, language background, topic knowledge as well as attitude towards language. Attitudes towards studying English may be understood in two ways. On the one hand, one can reflect upon how students view English as a subject and hence look at the attitude they have towards the learning activities, content of the lessons and tests, as they have experienced them. On the other hand, one can look at students’ attitudes towards learning a language, which is spoken across the world (as an international language) and as a home language in English-speaking countries. In recent years, there has been a shift in attitudes towards studying English. For instance, Faruk (2014) stated that Saudis’ attitudes toward English are becoming increasingly positive, as English has become vital to the country’s future prosperity and English language skills are now required in many fields. Similarly, Alrahaili (2013) found that Saudi EFL learners hold generally positive attitudes toward English and its speakers. They are, however, generally opposed to accepting the TL group’s social and religious values. This is understandable as a result of the significant cultural differences and the extent to which religion in Saudi Arabia influences aspects of daily life. Other studies considered the positive shift in attitude has recently become more inclusive of the culture of the target culture. Hagler (2014) found that a clear majority of students had a positive disposition toward Western culture and stated that they liked some aspects of it. However, attitudes towards learning English may be less positive as a result of dissatisfaction with a previous learning experience (e.g. from schooling) or from a student’s current learning experience at university. Students’ attitude towards leaning English is strongly interconnected with motivation, and therefore it is important that teachers are aware of the interests that students may have for the subject area, so that they can make the curriculum more relevant. As Dörnyei (2001) suggests, relating the subject content to students’ everyday experiences and backgrounds can increase student motivation.

Students’ prior learning experiences as well as socio-economic status (SES) can also affect test performance. According to Parson, Henson and Sardo-Brown (2001), ‘SES is the term used to distinguish between people’s relative position in society in terms of family income, educational background and occupational prestige’ (cited in Ariani and Ghafournia, 2015,

which may result in different learning experiences. With reference to this study, this is also relevant to students’ language background as there are inherent differences in the way English is taught in private and public schools within Saudi Arabia.