SEPSIS NEONATAL TARDIA

The conquest of Peru was a step forward for the Spanish advance in the Caribbean, Tierra Firme, and Mexico. It was an especially costly and high-risk adventure because of the distance separating the Europeans from the areas they had already controlled, and because they did not know the place they were headed; this would not change until Pizarro's third and last voyage, when they began to enter the land from Tumbes, on May 1532. Seven years had gone by since his first voyage, and in between he had obtained the financing and the

56. Prescott, Conquest of Peru, 1:305.

57. La reina al provincial de la orden de Santo Domingo, Toledo, 21 de abril de 1529, AGI, Panama 234, lib. 3, ff. 303V-4V.

58. In 1522 Pizarro said he was around 40, in 1539 that he was around 60; Cieza says he was 63 years and two months old when he died, whilst Zarate believed he was at least 65 at the time (Lockhart, Men of Cajamarca, 153) . According to these reports, his birthdate would respectively fall on 1482, 1479, 1478, and 1476. Boyd-Bowman, Indice geobiografico, 38, dates it ca. 1471.

royal permission for the "discovery and conquest" of Peru, and secured the governance of the lands and peoples which he placed under the imperial Crown of Charles V. Now we shall turn to the entrepreneurial and financial precedents which made the conquest of Peru possible.

The Companîa del Levante or Armada del Levante, as it was called in the earliest documents, was established for the discovery and conquest of Peru.^ Its roots lay in the other companies established in Panama by Pizarro and Almagro for the joint administration of their estates. Pizarro had always had the leading role, with Almagro as second in command and in charge of all matters regarding supplies and provisions, for which he was exceedingly well talented. Both partners worked together from at least 1519, when they took part in the expedition led by Licenciado Espinosa. In 1522, for example, Pizarro shared with Almagro the encomienda of Chochama, a region recently conquered by Pascual de Andagoya's expedition and where both presumably took part; but we do not know when they established their company, though it was perhaps never put in writing.

It was in 1522 that a link joining Pizarro, Almagro, and Hernando de Luque, traditionally taken to be the "third partner" of the conquest of Peru and — erroneously, as will be seen— its main financial support, first appeared in documents studied by various historians. It was early in that year that on behalf of Luque, Pizarro, Almagro, and Diego de Mora, present in Panama, Friar Alonso de Escobar registered the above-mentioned 705 gold pesos from mines and consigned them to Jeronimo de Escobar and Friar Juan Quejada, in San Benito of Seville.^ We can surmise that this money proceeded from the company's mining activities, but there is no data concerning how it would be disposed of in the metropolis.

59. Maticorena, "Contrato de Panama, 1526," 56.

60. Mellafe, Descubrimiento del Peru., 35-3 6; Lockhart, Men of Cajamarca, 144.

By that time Pizarro, Almagro, and Luque were among the richest men of Panama, right alongside Governor Pedrarias and Licenciado Espinosa. All of them took part in many companies,

like those of Nicaragua in 1522 and 1523.^ Around 1524 and shortly after Pizarro's first exploratory voyage to Peru, the partners established a company with Luque, forming a partnership for diverse undertakings, just like many other residents before them. Since each of them held good repartimientos® of Indians and lands with maize fields and cattle, together the three of them made a powerful company, cultivating their lands and mining gold. Besides, the alliance with Luque had an additional advantage; the priest was a close friend of the Governor, to whose Council he likewise belonged as "procurador [solicitor] of caciques and Indians," favouring the company's party.^ However, one should bear in mind that Pizarro and Almagro's company had long existed independently of any share in occasional undertakings, or even the very conquest of Peru. The possessions of each one could not be separated prior to their

first voyage to Peru.^

Towards 1524, when preparations for the first expedition to Peru were underway, there appeared a tangled host of difficulties due to the fact that many of the conquistadores of Panama and Nicaragua wanted to begin exploring that route. This worsened in 1527, after the second voyage, possibly because of the exaggerated news brought back by the expeditionaries. Pedrarias himself, by then Governor of

62. Mellafe, Descubrimiento del Peru, 37.

63. Despite their different origins in medieval Europe, in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries the terms "encomienda" and "repartimiento" appeared in the documentation as interchangeable words (Puente, Encomienda y encomenderos, 13-15). Throughout this thesis they are also used with that same meaning, in expressions such as

"encomienda de indios" and "repartimiento de indios."

64. Fernandez de Oviedo, Historia de las Indias, 5:125; Porras, Pizarro, 117-18; Mellafe, Descubrimiento del Peru, 36.

65. Fernandez de Oviedo, Historia de las Indias, 5:124; Mellafe, Descubrimiento del Peru, 35.

Nicaragua,^ Sebastian de Benalcâzar, Hernando de Soto, and Pedro de Alvarado, were among the conquistador-entrepreneurs who could have rivalled the Company of Levante. Pedrarias' possible financial participation in the Peruvian company has not been clearly established; it would not be unusual, however, given the strong interest he had in all of the area's conquests and his vantage point as Governor, as seen above. It is even more likely that in 1524 the partners were forced to accept his participation; he abandoned the Peruvian adventure when he later on left for Nicaragua for what seemed to be a more promising conquest.^ Cieza says that Almagro bought from Pedrarias "el provecho que heredava de la conpania que al principle se hizo, o lo saco fuera, ques lo cierto, por mil y quinientos Castellanos que le dio...."^

When the Peruvian company gave its first benefits and Pedrarias was settled as Governor of Nicaragua he remembered his agreement with Pizarro and Almagro, claiming that whilst governing Tierra Firme he had mustered men and weapons at his expense for the expeditions led by the two partners (to the east), and Francisco Hernandez (to the west), spending much money he had borrowed and duly requesting the "interest" belonging to him as governor.^* In any case Pedrarias did meddle with the company, both from his office in Panama and later on in Nicaragua, one of the main points supplying Peru during its conquest.

It is well known that Pizarro and Almagro's Peruvian company obtained capital from quite a wide range of investors, of whom the most debated was Luque and his presumed sponsor, Licenciado Espinosa. The part traditionally attributed to Luque as the main financer, giving him a privileged position vis-a-vis the other partners, is based

66. Pedrarias was named Governor of Nicaragua by a R.C. of Valladolid, 1 de junio de 1527, AGI, Patronato 180, r. 19.

67. Maticorena, "Contrato de Panama, 1526," 56. 68. Cieza, Cronica del Peru. Tercera parte, 76.

69. Two cedulas were issued on the same date to the Governor. R.C. a Pedro de los Rios, Valladolid, 2 de agosto de 1537, AGI, Panama 234, lib. 3, ff. 16-17.

upon a late and seriously questioned copy of the Acta de constitucion of Pizarro, Almagro, and Luque's company, dated 10 March 152 6. Many writers question this document's reliability on the basis of quite solid evidence.^

It is worth stressing some parts of the argument which lead to the conclusion that the document is worthless. First, the Acta which promised Luque one third of the profits of the Peruvian company was not mentioned by his heirs in the suit they brought against Pizarro and Almagro in the 153 0s. Furthermore, it was not mentioned in any contemporary manuscript or publication, even though it would have been a decisive instrument. It was only in 1567 that the heirs of Licenciado Espinosa mentioned this three-party contract in relation to a second document, also of dubious validity, according to which Luque left Espinosa his part of the spoils. And it was not until the early-seventeenth century — i.e. 70 years after it was supposedly signed— that the first copies of the contract appeared, as well as the widely held belief of chroniclers and officials on a three-way contract supposedly signed in 1526.^

In appraising this point, Lohmann is much more balanced than other scholars, suggesting the possibility that a real contract did exist, but that some of its terms and perhaps the date were altered too, although at present this can in no way be proved. However, the same historian concludes that be it as it may, the documentation studied evinces that the funds necessary for Pizarro and Almagro's operation in the conquest of Peru were supplied by Licenciado Espinosa,^ no doubt referring to the additional funds needed by the Company

70. Porras believed Luque did not use his own money, and seriously questioned the document's worth (Porras, Pizarro, 122; Porras, Nombre del Peru, 58-62). The contract's validity is likewise questioned by Mellafe, Descubrimiento del Peru; Lohmann, Espinosa, 205-20; Lockhart, Men of Cajamarca, 70-73.

71. Porras contended it was only towards 1642 that this contract first appeared as a historical document in the Anales del Peru, of the "whimsical" Montesinos (Porras, Nombre del Peru, 59).

in its last stage, after their own contribution which must have been the major one.

One side of this complex question which is in no way clear, is why Espinosa needed to conceal his economic contribution to the Peruvian company behind a proxy, having already participated directly in other companies both before and after this one. Rolando Mellafe proposed that it was due to the uncertainty posed by Pedrarias' replacement and the subsequent juicio de residencia, which would go together with an appraisal of how the conquest of the Darien and Panama had been managed. Espinosa was no doubt involved with Pedrarias in more than one scheme, and this perhaps frightened him for a moment,^ all the more so when despite his influence at Court, the then alcalde mayor of Pedrarias had already been strongly reprimanded by the King for his conduct in the entradas and the enslaving of Indians.^

On the other hand, it should be noted that though in this opportunity Luque perhaps acted as Espinosa's proxy, he was an active individual with one of Panama's most important fortunes.^ The priest had made his own contribution to other conquest-companies, and he met all the requirements needed to join an adventure such as this one. Despite this, there is no evidence that he was the main financer,^ but it is possible that at one stage or another he did contribute capital in conditions unknown to us. It should once again be noted that there is no truth in saying that Luque contributed the

73. Mellafe, Descubrimiento del Peru, 56-58.

74. R.C. a Pedrarias, 22 de julio de 1517, in CDIAO, 37:300ff. Reference taken from Ernesto Schaefer, Indice de la Colecciôn de documentes inédites de Indias (Madrid: Consejo Superior de Investigaciones Cientificas, 1946-47), 2:136-37.

75. Lohmann says Luque had already acted as proxy on behalf of other men; for example, in Tierra Firme in 1524, when he temporarily took charge of Francisco de Lizaur's estate "por la confianza que le tenia al tiempo de partir a Espana" (Lohmann, Espinosa, 161, n. 1, citing R.C. a Luque, Burgos, 20 de mayo de 1524, AGI, Panama 233, lib. 2, f. 1). Lizaur had been named accountant of the Island of San Juan and his Instruccion was issued in 1511 (AGI, Indiferente 415, lib. 2, ff. 155-56).

capital needed by the two impoverished adventurers for the conquest of Peru.^

Licenciado Caspar de Espinosa is the second mysterious person who had a hand in financing the Peruvian company. His case is even more relevant than that of Luque, both because he was an influential man at Court and in sixteenth-century Europe in general — which his pen fascinated with stories of conquests and Inca treasures— as well as because of his paternal and conciliating position of ascendancy over Pizarro and Almagro.

Espinosa came from Medina de Rioseco, studied in

Salamanca and left for Castilla del Oro in 1513, in the fleet of Pedrarias, ready to take office as alcalde mayor of Darien. He combined his official duties with those of a merchant, possibly acting as an agent of the firm of bankers his family ran in Seville. He also led three expeditions inland through Panama, making a booty of gold and pearls and recording his movements in detail. After spending ten years in Panama he decided to return to Spain, being then appointed justicia mayor of Madrid. Shortly afterwards he sought and was appointed Oidor in the Audiencia of Hispaniola; its seat in Santo Domingo had become a major place for European exploration, trade, and financial activities in the mainland.^* In his two years in office he combined judiciary and entrepreneurial activities, cultivating sugar cane, building a sugar mill, and sending agents to Panama and Nicaragua to sell clothes, horses, and other items. The conquest of Peru and the immense mercantile avenues it opened

77. This widely-known story can be found, for example, in Prescott: "... the two cavaliers [Pizarro and Almagro] should contribute their little stock towards defraying the expenses of the armament, but by far the greater part of the funds was to be furnished by Luque (Prescott, Conquest of Peru, 1:209).

78. Espinosa was Oidor from 1528 to 1532 (Boyd-Bowman, Indice geobiografico, 150) .

up, plus Santo Domingo's decay when the Audiencia of Mexico was created, persuaded him to return to Panama.^

Many gaps concerning the conditions in which Espinosa participated in the Peruvian adventure have yet to be filled in, but his enthusiasm, especially after the third voyage, leave few doubts on how committed he was to it. Lohmann has shown that in Panama, he backed Almagro's endeavours to recruit soldiers and charter ships, as well as reporting on the campaign to the metropolitan authorities and the European presses.*® In October 1535 Espinosa informed the Crown that he had sent his son Juan de Espinosa to Hispaniola,

por caballos y armas y bastimentos para embiallo al Peru; para en este socorro tengo hecha una carabela e un bergantin y hago un navio grande de porte de treinta caballos para el viaje. . . .**

In return for his support, Espinosa requested that his son be named captain or given an encomienda. On 2 April of the following year he gave his above-mentioned son Juan a poder in Panama, authorizing him to act in his stead as executor of the deceased Luque's testament, in the company the latter had with Pizarro and Almagro.^ And it was on account of this document, and of previous agreements of which we know nothing, that Juan de Espinosa received 13,000 pesos from Pizarro. It should be emphasized that in the latter deed there is an explicit denial of the existence of any "carta ni escritura alguna, as! en la contratacion principal de la dicha compahia [del Levante], como en los gastos e

79. Guillermo Lohmann Villena, "Un hombre de negocios en la colonizacion de America: el licenciado Caspar de Espinosa," Estudios Americanos 20, no. 104 (1960): 135ff.; Boyd-Bowman, Indice geobiografico, 150.

80. Lohmann, "Un hombre de negocios," 135ff.

81. Espinosa a S.M., Panama, 10 de octubre de 1533, in Roberto Levillier, Gobernantes del Peru, Cartas y papeles, Siglo XVI (Madrid: Sucesores de Rivadeneyra, 1921-26), 2:28. This expedition must have put Pizarro and Almagro's company in great debt to Espinosa.

82. Library of Congress, The Harkness Collection in the Library of Congress. Documents from Early Peru (Washington: Library of Congress, 1932-36) (henceforth HC) , 1:15. The published summary of this document does not give much

intereses," so this payment ended Luque's participation in the adventure.

But Espinosa's interests in Peru were not limited to Luque's supposed inheritance; on the contrary, he controlled his agents from Panama, covering a wide range of operations. The best-known of these was the priest Juan de Asencio, dedicated to selling horse mounts, Indian captives from Nicaragua, and poultry.^ Banking activities also had an important place in the Licenciado's activities. For instance Juan de Valdivieso, a resident of Cuzco, sent 2,000 silver marks, — the equivalent of 560 kgs. in weight— to the order of Espinosa in Panama, to be transferred to Pedro de Espinosa's bank in Seville, where they would be collected by the beneficiaries designated in the contract signed in Lima, on 9 December 1535.*^ Valdivieso had been part of the first group of Peru's conquerors, had settled down in Cuzco, where he had an encomienda, and had been Pizarro's criado^^ in matters pertaining to money. In Panama he also had a company with Licenciado Espinosa.^ Finally, he would be the executor of Espinosa's testament, as we shall now see.**

In 1536, when more than 70 years of age and in possession of prosperous businesses in Panama, Espinosa made a reckless decision which would determine the last years of his life: he would go to Peru. He already had there agents and friends who could take care of his affairs, but for some reason — perhaps related to his son's death a short while before when the Indians attacked at Huaytara, or concern for his Peruvian investments, then in special danger— he set out

for a country then in the midst of an Indian uprising.

83. Maticorena, "Contrato de Panama, 1526," 60-61. 84. Lohmann, Espinosa, 227.

85. Ibid., 226-27.

86. ^^Criado” may be translated as "servant." For an explanation of the role of criados and other servants see chapter 6.

87. Lockhart, Men of Cajamarca, 246-47. We cannot rule out the possibility that the money belonged to Pizarro, or to Valdivieso's company with Espinosa.

Captain Juan de Berrio had come to Panama in search of help, commissioned by Pizarro with 12,000 pesos and precise instructions to follow to the letter whatever Espinosa suggested. The latter took the opportunity and left for Peru taking his daughter with him, and a 200-man expedition which he had already prepared to conquer the San Juan river.

When the expedition reached Peru the Indian uprising had already been checked on the coastlands, and the same would soon happen in the highlands. Espinosa settled down in Lima to enjoy a privileged position due to his many business deals, and the friendship and ascendancy he had over both partners, Pizarro and Almagro, whose relationship was becoming more flammable with each passing day. The confidence Pizarro had in him can be gauged by the fact that despite