M´ etodo de Simulaci´ on
5.2. SIMULACI ´ ON NUM´ ERICA DE RECUPERACI ´ ON DE FASE Y
In January 1967, as King waited to catch a flight to Jamaica, where he planned to
complete the manuscript of what would become his book Where Do We Go From Here: Chaos or Community?, he thumbed through Ramparts magazine. His eyes fell on photographs of Vietnamese children who had been badly burned by napalm. The images of these children and their wailing mothers crystallized Dr. King’s growing sense of outrage about the war in Vietnam. In that instant, he resolved to fully oppose the U.S. war effort.120
King’s first opportunity to speak out was at the Nation Institute in Los Angeles in February. King’s address was entitled “The Casualties of the War in Vietnam.” The victims of the war could be found far away from Vietnam. The casualties in the U.S. included the Great Society’s anti-poverty programs;121 the government’s loss of humility and resort to hubris in its
120 Garrow, Bearing the Cross, 543.
121 Martin Luther King, Jr., “The Casualties of the War in Vietnam,” in “In a Single Garment of Destiny”: A Global Vision of Justice (Boston: Beacon Press, 2012), 153.
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actions;122 and the principle of dissent, a hallmark of American democracy.123 The casualties around the world included the Charter of the United Nations, violated by the U.S.’s aggressive war;124 the principle of national self-determination, once heralded by an American president;125 and, in a divided world still governed by the danger of nuclear war, “the prospects of mankind’s survival.”126 King reiterated his call for “a supreme effort to generate the readiness, indeed the eagerness, to enter into the new world which is now possible,”127 and for “a company of creative dissenters” to “organize as effectively as the war hawks.”128
At King’s request, the antiwar group Clergy and Laymen Concerned about Vietnam hosted his most important and moving antiwar speech at Riverside Church in New York City on April 4, 1967. Entitled “Beyond Vietnam: A Time to Break Silence,” the speech was far more than a jeremiad. He wanted to “make a passionate plea to my beloved nation,”129 to speak directly to “the far deeper malady within the American spirit” that if ignored would “take us beyond Vietnam” to concerns about U.S. intervention in other nations,130 and “to move past
122 Ibid., 155. 123 Ibid., 156. 124 Ibid., 151. 125 Ibid., 151-52. 126 Ibid., 157. 127 Ibid., 159. 128 Ibid., 161.
129 King, “Beyond Vietnam: A Time to Break Silence,” in “In a Single Garment of Destiny,” 165.
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indecision to action” in finding “new ways to speak for peace in Vietnam and justice throughout the developing world.”131
His overall analysis of what he called the U.S.’s neocolonial actions in Vietnam and other nations made a deep impact, as public reaction in following days made clear. He gave seven reasons why he had brought Vietnam into his moral vision. Some sprang from his Christian convictions: the commitment reflected in SCLC’s motto “to save the soul of America”;132 his commitment “to the ministry of Jesus Christ”;133 and his calling that he “shared with all men … the calling to be a son of the living God.”134 His other compelling reasons were to “see the war as an enemy of the poor”;135 the war’s “cruel manipulation of the poor”;136 the conflict of speaking against violence in the nation’s ghettoes while remaining silent in opposing the violence in Vietnam;137 and his award of the Nobel Prize, which laid “an additional burden of responsibility” on him to “work harder than he had ever worked before for the brotherhood of man” and its “calling beyond national allegiances.”138
131 Ibid., 180. 132 Ibid., 167. 133 Ibid., 168. 134 Ibid., 168. 135 Ibid., 166. 136 Ibid., 167. 137 Ibid., 168. 138 Ibid.
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King recalled the previous three summers of riots in the nation’s ghettoes and excoriated the U.S. government as “the greatest purveyor of violence in the world today.”139 That violence, he claimed, caused the Vietnamese people to “languish under our bombs and consider us – not their fellow Vietnamese – the real enemy.” U.S. violence herded the people “off the land of their fathers into concentration camps where minimal social needs are rarely met.” It “poisoned their water”; killed a million acres of their crops, bulldozed their areas in preparation to “destroy their precious trees”; caused the people to “wander into towns” and saw “thousands of the children, homeless, without clothes, running in packs on the streets like animals … degraded by our soldiers as they beg for food … and selling their sisters to our soldiers, soliciting for their
mothers.”140 King coupled his litany of U.S. violence in Vietnam with “a pattern of suppression” in other countries in the world house. That pattern of suppression “justified the presence of U.S. military ‘advisors’ in Venezuela … maintained social stability for U.S. investment accounts for the counter-revolutionary action of American forces in Guatemala” and explained “why
American helicopters are being used against guerillas in Colombia and why American napalm and green beret forces have already been active against rebels in Peru.”
These inflictions of violence on the rest of the world, according to King, threatened terrible consequences for the U.S. “America’s soul” would be “totally poisoned” by Vietnam;141 it would “approach spiritual death” by devoting “more money on military defense spending than on programs of social uplift”;142 and the U.S. state, which King had once seen as an
139 Ibid., 167.
140 Ibid., 170-71. 141 Ibid., 168. 142 Ibid., 178.
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indispensable ally in the struggle for civil rights for African Americans, would “possess power without compassion, might without morality, and strength without sight.”143