El singular caso de Cuyabeno y Yasuní

Paid employment has a number of.consequences for w o m e n ’s leisure. Perhaps the most obvious of these is that women's own paid employment takes time which is therefore not available for leisure. It also restricts potential free time to specific, residual time slots outside working hours. Paid work can however also bring certain benefits in relation to leisure, including the availability of some independently earned income, opportunities for work-related sociability and perhaps the perception that employed women have earned the right to some leisure time. The interview data from this study supports other research which indicates that the influence of employment upon women's leisure depends to a considerable degree upon women's commitments and obligations aside from their employment. For example, the young

single women in this study saw all their time outside paid work as being potentially available for leisure. They were far less constrained than those women who were combining paid and domestic work and who needed to fit their considerable domestic tasks into the residual time left after paid work obligations had been

fulfi11ed.

The preceding section highlighted the fact that even women in paid work are assumed to be principally responsible for household organisation and care, and are therefore doubly restricted in terms of the amount of time they have available for leisure. As Stockdale (1985) states:

'working women are acutely short of free-time, constrained in its use and in many instances overloaded by the dual responsibilities of a job and a family.'

(p.112)

Almost a third of the women in the Sheffield survey felt that the demands of their job left them with too little time for leisure. For women in full-time employment, domestic work and the myriad tasks of running a home have to be fitted in at the weekends or during evenings, precisely those times normally associated with relaxing and enjoying leisure. Part-time work can seem to be an attractive option, particularly for women with children. As Sharpe (op. cit. p.187) points out, it can seem to be the ideal solution, providing some additional income for the family and a break from domestic routine, whilst leaving women with sufficient

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time to fulfil their domestic and familial obligations. However, once both sets of demands have been met, even part-time employees may find they have little time for leisure. This difficulty may be compounded by the nature of the part-time work which is available, much of which is characterised by poor wages and working conditions, and little job security. Employers regard part-time work as ’women's work' and, as the following quote from an employer in a recent study indicates, they often feel that the demand for part-time work is such that they have little obligation to improve their employment practice:

'These women are not going to be too concerned with their employment rights. For many they are anxious to return to work for social contact.'

(Maguire 1991, p.134)

Whilst this quote recognises the importance of work-related sociability, it fails to acknowledge that many women are forced into seeking part-time work out of economic necessity.

Furthermore, existing research indicates that women in either part-time or full-time employment are unlikely to find that their participation in the labour market results in any substantial redistribution of household tasks (Harper and Richards 1979, Edgell 1980, Hunt 1980), and consequently finding time for leisure may be difficult.

However, as was noted above, paid work does not only constrain or disadvantage women's access to leisure. It can also be have

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beneficial influences in so far as it can raise w o m e n ’s self esteem and improve their bargaining position within the household. Having a degree of economic independence means that women may be less subject to male control and more powerful in domestic decision making (Pahl 1991, Sharpe 1984). Pahl notes:

'Research on decision making in marriage has suggested that the partner with the largest income is likely to play a more dominant part in decision making and that wives are likely to have greater decision making power if they are in paid employment rather than working at h o m e . '

(Pahl 1991, p.47)

Where leisure is concerned, womens's participation may no longer depend on the approval and therefore the financial support of male partners. Even allowing for the comparatively low levels of many women's earnings, the symbolic importance of access to even a small independent income can have positive repercussions for women's confidence and assertiveness in household negotiations, including negotiations over leisure. A degree of financial independence can also help women achieve an identity separate to being a wife and/or mother, and can 'earn' women the right to some autonomous leisure (Green, Hebron and Woodward 1990).

Aside from the benefits associated with having a degree of financial independence, paid work often also had another obvious benefit in providing women with a level of social contact which might otherwise be lacking from their lives. The workplace itself can be the site for sociability, 'having a laugh* or

chatting with colleagues. Westwood (1984) provides a good deal of evidence of the thriving female culture to be found amongst women workers. In some cases work also provides women with the opportunity for nights out or other leisure activities outside of work by widening women's social networks and increasing the number of available companions.