Between 1945 and 2006 New Zealand’s population increased from 1.7 million to over 4 million but Anglican numbers fell and their percentage of the total plunged from 39 to 14 percent. Numbers peaked between 1966 and 1976 but then steadily fell. Other churches shared this experience: the strength of the four major denominations declined from 81 to 39 percent. Auckland had the highest rate of population growth but had among the highest rates of decline. There, the arrival of thousands of Pacific peoples from islands where Anglicanism was weak, and their subsequent increase through natural increase, as well as high levels of immigration from non-Christian countries, contributed to population growth but not to Anglican numbers. These factors, combined with a general reduction in religious commitment, led to a startling divergence in levels of Anglicanism throughout the region. Anglican strength came to be concentrated in affluent suburbs and in the rural fringe, while vast housing areas, notably in the southern and western suburbs, had low levels of affiliation.
A number of other factors impacted on affiliation: age, rates of fertility, and gender. These had a bearing in different ways and at different times. During the first half of the post-war period, the Anglican demographic closely resembled that of New Zealand society as a whole. However, by the end of the period, it appeared that
Anglicans were older and more likely to be women. They were also more likely to live
107 Bouma, ibid., pp. 63-64.
108The denominational mix of the ‘New Zealander’ population closely resembled that of the European:
Ethnic composition of major denominations in three categories: 2006
European New Zealander Maori Anglican 16.98 14.39 12.88 Roman Catholic 13.07 11.65 12.31 Presbyterian 11.18 10.45 3.71 Methodist 2.57 2.10 2.78
109 At the 2006 census, ‘Maori Christian’ denominations accounted for nearly 64,000 individuals, 77
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in mono-cultural areas, like wealthier suburbs, lifestyle and retirement communities, and pastoral farming rural areas and service towns. On the other hand, Anglicanism struggled in poorer areas which often had a high proportion of Pasefika110 and Asian peoples, and of younger people. The church was also under challenge in provincial areas with declining populations, especially in the southern South Island and central North Island. The incidence of ‘no religion’ among those of European ethnicity, and especially among the young, contributed to the ageing of Anglicanism.
Despite Anglican efforts to present itself as a multicultural church which respected ethnic diversity and had decision-making processes to reflect that, it was the
‘most European’ of all the churches and also had an unusually high proportion of British-born people. Anglicans narrowly headed Roman Catholics numbers in the general population (555,000, compared with 508,000) but among those of European ethnicity, the margin was wider: 443,000 compared with 341,000.
It is important to emphasise that the census measured adherence rather than attendance. But between 1981 and 2006 there were significant changes in the way in
which the ‘religious question’ was posed. These had an influence on the results. In earlier years people simply entered the name of their church but later they were offered
some alternatives, of which ‘no religion’ was one (and later appeared first in a range of options). In the 2001 census respondents were also given the opportunity to select more than one option.
In earlier years, it was expected that people would identify with a particular denomination even when they had no obvious involvement in its affairs. Religious adherence was an expression of personal and cultural identity. Few admitted to having
‘no religion’ but, by the end of the period, affiliation was more likely to reflect actual participation. Chapter 10, which deals with levels of attendance, asserts that levels of participation declined much less than levels of affiliation. Thus it would be wrong to draw conclusions on attendance from census figures based on affiliation. Having said that, the fact remains that there was a general turning way from formal religious commitment in the post-war period and this affected the Anglican Church more than others.
110The term ‘Pasefika’ is used to refer to persons of Pacific Islands ethnicity. The term ‘Pacific Islander’
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Chapter 3
Finance
It is being realised that people do not give as they are able, but as they understand.
–Bishop Johnston, Dunedin, 1961
3.1 Introduction
It could be argued that consideration of finance should be incorporated into the six chapters which deal with the life of the church or that the chapter should be relegated to the end of the exercise as being of secondary importance.
However, finance was an important part of the context within which the church operated as it influenced the decisions made by the church although financial logic was sometimes compromised by theological disputation. There was sometimes discomfort when the subject of money was discussed. It was easy for references to be made to
‘filthy lucre’ or money (or, more exactly, its love) being ’the root of all evil’. An
Australian bishop added that ‘Anglicans had forgotten how to give; they believed that
money was material and unspiritual, therefore unmentionable; and if heresy was the problem of the past, bankruptcy was the problem of the present. Tipping God had to stop, tithing had to start.’1 What the church did was limited by the funds at its disposal
notwithstanding calls to ‘go forward in faith’ or assurances that ‘the Lord will provide’.
There is a need, therefore, to address these matters directly rather than obliquely. Bishop Simkin made it clear at his first synod that a degree of clerical reserve was also
expected. He urged the laity to take the initiative as they would ‘realise that this matter is one which they should take up as, of course, the clergy could not do so.’2
It is argued that the church never handled its finances in an integrated way. The financial health of one level of church life did not necessarily benefit other levels. Improved parish finances did not necessarily add to diocesan coffers. It took thirty years before any consistent action was taken to standardise clergy stipends and pensions. The General Synod did not have the resources to assist struggling dioceses. What the St
1 Bishop Ian Shevill, [Brisbane] Church Chronicle, 1 May 1966, p.133, cited by Jonathan Holland, ‘The Past is a Foreign Country: A History of the Church of England in the Diocese of Brisbane’. PhD Thesis,
University of Queensland, 2006, p.98.
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John’s College Trust Board was able to do did not necessarily reflect diocesan or even provincial priorities although strong action was taken to ensure that these concerns were heard. The fact that half the dioceses no longer publish parish financial statistics gives weight to the argument that finance continues to be a fragmented responsibility. Lack of information means financial ignorance. No action can be taken to improve the situation when the facts are not on the table.
Five major issues are considered: the adequacy of the funds available to the parishes for their work and an assessment of the impact of the Wells campaigns; the cost of stipendiary ministry; the funds available to the dioceses; the funds available to the General Synod; and the resources that became available from St John’s College.
One decision in particular influenced church life for perhaps thirty years: the invitation to the Wells Organisation to conduct canvasses. In the 1970s a series of actions were taken: clergy stipends were standardised, a provincial pension scheme was established, and the purposes of the St John’s College Trust were widened. These were inter-related as the college’s Widows and Orphans Fund was transferred to the new pension board. The trust’s income was made available for purposes beyond that of running a theological college. A later decision to appoint an advisory board broadened the scope of ministry education even further. Other decisions to strengthen the General Church Trust reduced the need to rely on dioceses to provide the funds necessary for the operation of the church at national level.
It is only recently that a common insurance fund was established but Anglicans have resisted calls to use a single banker. Stipends are handled by seven diocesan offices rather than through a national payroll office. In most cases parish contributions to the diocese are regarded as voluntary (and almost optional) and there is little
understanding that at least part of the contribution is in the nature of an affiliation levy. There is no sense that the Anglican Church has a coordinated programme of ministry and mission in New Zealand to which Anglicans can commit themselves. Dioceses continue to work in a less than splendid isolation.
Making financial comparisons is a major problem in this period because of the changing value of the currency. Following an accepted convention monetary values are expressed in the currency of the day and any attempt to relate them to present-day equivalents is usually indicated by a footnote. However, to reinforce the point that monetary comparisons are difficult across a number of years, the Reserve Bank
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calculates that it would have cost $76,309 in December 2010 to purchase an item which cost £1000 in March 1946.3