III. METODOLOGÍA
2. PARALELISMOS LINGÜÍSTICOS EN UNIDADES FRASEOLÓGICAS SOMÁTICAS: ELABORACIÓN Y
2.3. Análisis del corpus
2.3.17. Somatismos con el lexema “dedo”
According to Slobin et al. (2001: 69-70) a semantic representation approach minimises
the influence of gloss on transcription and analysis. In order to highlight this point, I will
explain the problem related to glossing, especially in relation to classifiers and their
meaning components and illustrate - with examples - how the BTS can minimise it.
A particular problem faced by sign language researchers is that glossing poses the
language under investigation. In the context of this particular study, even though the
concept classes Property, Event and Entity roughly correspond to the traditional spoken
language word classes of ‘adjective’, ‘verb’ and ‘noun’, I wanted to avoid the direct
transfer of spoken language word classes in English to classifiers in SASL.
Frishberg et al. (2012: 1057) state that “any gloss carries the part-of-speech membership
of a spoken language word, suggesting that the sign in question belongs to the same
category.” The semantic representation approach can avoid this problem by focusing on
meaning rather than form. They further point out that the majority of verbs in sign
languages are polycomponential, and often nouns, too. For these signs there is no single
word in the glossing language which can represent all the levels of meaning. This applies
in particular to classifiers, as is evident in Chapter 2. Figure 3-2 below (CL-14) does not
simply mean ‘jump’ but is layered with meaningful components. The full meaning is as
follows: An animate being with two bent legs jump onto a round, container-like object.
In the context of the data elicitation clip, this example would be glossed as BIRD-JUMP-
ON-EDGE-OF-NEST.
According to Slobin et al., the BTS treats classifiers as property markers: “… handshapes
that identify a referent by indicating a relevant property of that referent” (2001: 69).
Figures 3-3(a)-(d) below (adapted from Hoiting & Slobin, 2002: 6-7) illustrate, by using a
classifier which can traditionally be glossed as COWBOY-MOUNT-HOURSE, how the BTS
can make provision for the various meaning components of classifiers and also prevent
the transfer of word classes from the glossing language to sign languages. This particular
example clearly illustrates the relevance of the two objectives of the BTS mentioned in
the introductory part of this section.
Note that this example is a figure and ground construction and therefore contains two
different classifiers and two different referents. Both classifiers are traditional entity
classifiers, where the hands physically represent a part of each referent, in this case the
cowboy’s legs and the horse’s back. Figure 3-3(a) presents the gloss, the full English
sentence and the BTS transcription. Figure 3-3(b) gives a breakdown of Figure 3-3(a) and
is also explained verbally. Figures 3-3(c) and (d) illustrate the relevant property markers
from the BTS manual (i.e. classifier handshapes). In Figure 3-3(e) an SASL signer
illustrates the sign.
b)
c) d) e)
PL_VL: Plane showing vertical length (fingertips forward)
TL: Two-Legged animate being TWO-LEGGED-ANIMATE BEING- STRADDLES A VERTICAL PLANE
FIGURE 3-3(A)-(E) BTS PROPERTY MARKERS
The first row of Figure 3-3(b) is the full BTS transcription for this sign. The English word
‘mount’ in parenthesis does not have any transcription significance – it is added merely
to facilitate an understanding of the transcription that follows in the same line. There
are four meaning components in this example, as can be seen in the four blocks in the
components. As one can see, the example contains the two property markers illustrated
in Figures 3-3(c) – (d) - pm’PL_VL and pm’TL.
The first property marker – pm’PL_VL – reflects a plane showing vertical height. This is a
property of the referent – which without discourse context could mean a fence or an
animal such as a horse or a big dog. The second property marker - pm’TL - shows that a
property of the referent is that she, he or ‘it’ (i.e. an animal) has two legs. Again, this
property of the referent could lend itself to numerous meanings – a child, a man, a
ghost, and animal or even an alien.
In terms of the two remaining meaning components, the third component in Figure 3-
3(b) provides information about the direction of the movement as well as the location (-
gol’ PL_VL_TOP) of the property marker pm’TL in relation to the property marker pm’PL_VL. I.e., it provides information about locative relations. The fourth meaning component provides information about the posture of the pm’TL.
Furthermore, by using the name pm’TL as opposed to V-CL (the inverted form of the V-
handshape) the focus remains on a property of the referent (i.e. meaning) rather than
becoming a transcription based on the phonological feature of ‘handshape’ (i.e. form –
V-handshape). Slobin et al. (2003: 273) state that “rather than emphasize classification
as the central feature of “classifier” handshapes in polycomponential signs, it seems
more useful to treat them as marking a relevant property of a referent. The major
The BTS transcription in Figure 3-3(b) above – (mount)-pm’PL_VL –pm’TL-
gol’PL_VL_TOP-pos’STR – is a semantically appropriate transcription. In a descriptive
study of formational features of classifiers in SASL, presumably the focus would have to
be on form. However, in this particular study – given the fact that classifiers are
polycomponential signs – the semantic approach is essential as well.