SOSTENIBILIDAD DEL PROGRAMA

We curse to express our emotions and convey our emotions to other people. Taboo words communicate emotional information more effectively than non-taboo words. Fuck you! tells you immediately that I am frustrated or angry and permits me to vent my anger at the same time. There is no other way to say fuck you and convey the same level of contempt in polite language. (Jay & Janschewitz, 2007, p. 215)

However, this way of expressing emotion is very challenging for second language learners. What makes it particularly difficult for foreign language users is getting “the grading of taboo words for a given referent right. Not only are taboo words with the same referent not emotionally equivalent, they are not equally likely to be chosen in a given context with specific interlocutors” (Dewaele, 2013, p. 110). Therefore, the use of swearwords is highly related to the intended perlocutionary effect and identity of the interlocutors, elements that are difficult to deal with from a second language learner’s perspective. Further compounding this issue is the role played by the context. It has been argued that the appropriateness of swearing is “highly contextually variable dependent on speaker-listener relationship, social, psychological context, and particular word used” (Jay & Janschewitz, 2008, p. 267). Swearwords are also versatile and can perform different interpersonal functions in different contexts; they can even perform more than one function simultaneously (Stapleton, 2010; Andersson & Trudgill, 1990). All these factors add to the importance and difficulty of mastering the proper use of swearwords. It seems that

individuals require profound knowledge, comparable to memorizing an entire encyclopaedia, in order to use swearwords appropriately.

Jay and Janschewitz (2008) confirmed that native English speakers are more responsive to the impact of contextual variables in swearing scenarios than non-natives. In other words, LX

users are less sensitive to social pragmatics. In fact, L1 users can adjust their speech and accurately judge the appropriateness of the use of swearwords according to main contextual conditions to avoid punishment and benefit from social acceptance (Jay, 2017a). Insufficient knowledge of social pragmatics is another tricky issue second language learners face in using swearwords. This might even lead LX users who lack a deep understanding of social pragmatics to overuse swearwords.

As noted in the previous section, swearwords serve several different functions ranging from humorous to habitual to expressing strong emotions. Acknowledging this, the present research and the discussion in this section focus swearing as an outlet for emotional expression. Using swearwords “results from a volcanic loss of temper or loss of control over one’s

emotions” (Beebe, 1995, p. 159). In fact, anger, cursing, and swearing involve a certain amount of loss of control over one’s emotions. It can include a similar lack of control over linguistic resources, which makes the task more challenging in the foreign language (Dewaele, 2013). Taboo words usage is very demanding, and they are an essential part of conversations. In fact, possessing the knowledge to express emotional feelings during an explosion of feeling and sensitivity can give relief to the speaker. It is crucial knowledge for every human being. It is important to know that socio-cultural influence on swearing differs from culture to culture (Jay & Janschewitz, 2008). Indeed, cultural background plays a significant role in the perception and use of emotional language (Dewaele, 2013).

Socio-cultural knowledge regarding swearing, offensiveness, or impoliteness is acquired through living in a culture, and contacting different communities of practice which “reward, punish, or/and are indifferent to offensive speech” (Jay & Janschewitz, 2008, p. 274). It follows that with high levels of socialization, the massive cultural barriers bilinguals face will be easily removed, and bilinguals will become able to communicate naturally. Socio-pragmatic

competence can only acquire through actual use of the language in authentic interactions with LX speakers. An individual who is proficient and frequent user of a language can acquire the correct perception of emotional force to appropriately use taboo words. Moreover, another variable is feeling close enough to the in-group to risk using these powerful words (Dewaele, 2004a).

Dewaele (2011b) investigated language preference for swearing among 386 adult

multilinguals who were highly proficient in their L1 and L2 and used both languages very often. The results show that instructed language learners used the target language less frequently, and gave lower ratings on emotional force of swearwords and taboo words in that language, than did mixed learners (i.e., who had a combination of classroom instruction and naturalistic contact) and naturalistic learners (i.e., who had not benefited from any classroom instruction). In addition, L2 swearwords were perceived as having weaker emotional resonance than their L1 swearwords. To support this, “a number of instructed language learners point out that anger repertoires in the TL21 were not part of the curriculum, hence their difficulties in expressing anger or irritation in authentic communication in the TL” (Dewaele, 2013, p. 117). Dewaele (2013) also mentioned that emotional scripts and vocabulary rarely figure in SL22 textbooks. This is a strong

explanation for why those who had only instructed language learning had difficulty expressing their anger or using swearwords in the target language. This is due to a lack of sufficient information on how to express emotional feelings, including swearwords, in almost all second language learning materials and curricula.

In addition to LX being learned formally or in naturalistic settings, research evidence also showed that age of language acquisition plays an important role in the perception and use of swearwords in LX. Specifically, participants who had started learning a L2 at a younger age rated the emotional force of swearwords and taboo words in L2 higher than learners who started language learning later (Dewaele, 2005). Thus, age of acquisition seems to be another factor of concern in research on language and emotion, indicating the importance of age of acquisition on the use of swearwords. Also, a high level of socialization in L2 is an important factor for

individuals’ preference in using L2 for swearing (Dewaele, 2011b). If L2 learners are highly socialized into a new culture and use L2 in authentic contexts more frequently, they use L2 for swearing as well, indicating that learners may “avoid the use of linguistic ‘nuclear devices’ if they are unsure about their yield” (Dewaele, 2006, p. 126). As mentioned earlier, Dewaele (2004a) and Harris (2004) agree that the L1 is preferred language for expressing emotion, and that the L1 has more emotional weight in general; however, this cannot prevent participants from sometimes using their other languages depending on “the intended perlocutionary effects and the

21 _{Target Language} 22 _{Second Language}

linguistic competence of the interlocutor” (Dewaele, 2006, p. 126). On the other hand, Harris (2004) states that if the emotional connotations of swearwords in the L1 are uncomfortable, languages later learned will be used for swearwords. Therefore, the L2 can be used for swearing in cases where bilinguals have achieved high levels of socialization in the L2 and thus feel highly comfortable with and attached to the L2 culture, or in cases where swearing in the culture of the L1 is severely stigmatised. In the latter case, the L2 learner will consciously use the L2 for swearing, because they feel less of a burden, disgrace, or dishonour when using L2 swearwords.

Exploring language preference for swearing and possible reasons for this preference, Dewaele (2013) conducted research on a sample of 486 pentalinguals using selected items extracted from the BEQ (Bilingualism and Emotion Questionnaire). “Because of the superior impact of swearing in the L1, some participants considered it taboo and avoided swearing in it, which could be linked to both cultural and religious beliefs” (p. 130). Many wanted to distance themselves from embarrassing topics. Asian participants reported that they in fact preferred to swear in English to escape the social stigma on the overt expression of anger in their native languages (Dewaele, 2013). Some even reported using euphemisms instead of the actual English swearwords (Dewaele, 2013). In fact, choosing a particular language allowed speakers to

“momentarily reconnect with those particular values” (Dewaele, 2013, p. 166). Koven (2007) confirms that speakers’ use of less colloquial speech in their L1 than in their L2 is not related to the lack of knowledge, but, it is due to its “inappropriateness in their mouth” (p. 140). This provides a strategic retreat from cultural constraints in a specific language.

In Dewaele’s research, Asian, Arab, and Kurdish participants who used L2 for swearing claimed that they did so to weaken the social constraints on the open expression of emotion in their L1 (Dewaele, 2011b, 2013). It could be argued that this is an evidence of multi-competence since they were not restricted to a single channel of communication, all had been in an English speaking country for a considerable amount of time, and were highly proficient in English. In this case, participants used LX to express their emotions, including swearwords, in order to escape from social and cultural restriction in their L1. In addition to those cases, it was reported that other participants felt LX swearwords could provide necessary relief to express strong anger since LX swearwords had weaker impact and would help them to use of these words for some interlocutors (Dewaele, 2013). Moreover, several participants reported switching to their L1

when expressing strong anger and swearing without even paying attention to the fact that their interlocutor did not understand that language (Dewaele, 2004a, 2011d). In such cases, speakers unconsciously switched to the dominant language or the language in which they felt less

restricted when using swearwords. All this research supports the idea that individuals had access to more than one channel to express their emotions, which is consistent with the multi-

competence view.

Toya and Kodis (1996) considered the use of swearwords and the pragmatic use of rudeness in English among NSs23 _{of Japanese with advanced English proficiency. They found}

that when the emotionality of swearing was uncomfortable, the participants had great difficulty to master two different norms of expressing emotions, so “the acquisition of rude language appeared to be an extremely sensitive issue because of the possible danger and misunderstanding involved in using such expressions” (p. 293).

Jay and Janschewitch (2008) state that the use of and reaction to swearwords “tells us who we are and where we fit in a culture; in short, our identities are marked by our use of swearwords” (p. 275) and, to understand swearing, individuals should “appreciate the contexts and communities in which it occurs” (Jay & Janschewitch, 2008, p. 274). Also, as Jay (2000) claimed, according to the Neuro-Psycho-Social theory, individuals learn to swear if the use of swearwords is rewarding for them like getting peers’ respect or learning to avoid swearing in a situation where there is a punishment or the risk of losing face. Bi-/multilinguals make a conscious or unconscious choice in their language to express their status in the specific culture. Language choice for communicative function was found to be related to the character and dynamics of individuals’ social networks (Wei, 1994). Also, language choice is an indicator of “not only one’s subjective sense of self, but also one’s positioning in a larger socioeconomic order […] also, each language in the verbal repertoire of a bilingual community becomes semiotically linked with different kinds of values, social relations, social locations, and ideas of personhood, as well as different symbolic positioning of bilinguals’ communities in larger social, political, and economic contexts” (Koven, 2007, p. 26).

The research findings summarized here show that swearing in LX is a result of complex interactions of linguistic variables and socio-cultural variables such as age of acquisition, context of acquisition, and language knowledge (Dewaele, 2004c, 2013, Dewaele & Pavlenko 2002, Pavlenko, 2008, Ożańska-Ponikwia, 2013). Therefore, bi-/multilinguals knowledge of LX and socialization into LX culture can cause cognitive changes in their expression of emotions and significantly affect their swearing (Jarvis & Pavlenko, 2008; Pavlenko, 2008).