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SUJETO PASIVO

1.4. TITULARIDAD DE LA LIBERTAD DE EMPRESA

1.4.3. SUJETO PASIVO

In this section, drawing some insights from sociological and anthropological approaches, I explore the religio-cultural background of the Haya indigenous community. I shall argue that to the Haya religion and culture are intrinsically interwoven, therefore to attempt to separate a convert from his traditional religio-context is unintelligible. I shall demonstrate that the fact that the term religion did not exist among the Haya attests that to them religion is a way of life.

Before proceeding further, I assume that for the sake of a better understanding of the religio-cultural background of the Haya indigenous community, it is necessary to define

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what culture is and how it relates to Haya Traditional Religion. To social scientists, culture and religion are constructed within a social context of a given society. According to Thompson (1990:12), in his book Ideology and modern culture, the concept of culture refers to a range of phenomena and a set of concerns which are shared in a variety of disciplines. Thompson (1990:132) further defines culture based on the hermeneutical perspective of what he calls “symbolic conception” as:

The pattern of meanings embodied in symbolic forms, including actions, utterances, and meaning objects of various kinds, by virtue of which individuals communicate with one another and share their experiences, conceptions, and beliefs.

Moreover, Robert Montgomery (1999:108) in his book Introduction to sociology of missions defines culture as “the symbolic-expressive aspect of social behavior”. Culture is therefore viewed as a social product. It embraces various kinds of social symbols of which people involved in it share. These include religious beliefs.

Furthermore, most social scientists look at culture as consisting of the ideas, objects, and doing things created by the group. It includes arts, beliefs, customs, inventions, languages, technology and traditions and it consists also of learned ways of acting, feeling and thinking (Lugazia 2010:33). On the other hand, John Scott (2007:83) in Giddens and cultural analysis: Absent word and central concept, points out that what Giddens, a renowned sociologist well known for his theory of structuration, terms as “structure” is actually what other structuralists and other writers have seen as the cultural codes of social life. Therefore according to Giddens, culture is what he views as a social structure. This is because, as Scott puts it, “culture consists of the underlying rules employed in social interactions and through which social systems are produced” (2007:83).

Furthermore, Charles Kraft, an anthropologist and a missionary, defines culture as the integrated system of learned behaviour patterns which are the characteristics of the members of a society and which are not the result of biological inheritance (2002:46). He makes it clear that culture provides a model of reality that governs our perception,

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although we may be unaware of what influence culture has upon us (2002:48). This implies that we as human being are a cultural being and the product of the culture to which we belong.

Consequently, Carmel Camilleri in Vicente Carlos Kiaziku, Culture and inculturation. A Bantu viewpoint, (2009:38), defines culture as follows:

Culture is the totality of the most persistent and widely shared acquired meanings, more or less strongly inter-connected, which the members of a group, because of their affiliation to that group, are generally led to assign to the stimuli arising from their environment and from themselves, by inducing in response to these stimuli attitude, representations and common valued behavior, whose reproduction tends to be ensured in non-genetic ways.

The discussions above from various writers on the understanding of culture suggest that in any society, religion is an integral component of culture and can by no means be divorced from it. Although some western missionaries in Africa tended to separate individual Christian converts from their socio-cultural context, the understanding of culture suggests that it is not possible to separate religion from culture in African tradition life.

It is also important, however, to point out that culture is dynamic and not static. Culture changes, especially when it is exposed to external influences and contacts. From this we deduce that missionaries in Africa in general, and in Haya in particular, were regarded as changes agents for they were expected to change the African culture through conversion of Haya Africans (Montgomery 1999: 16). Although Montgomery sees missionaries as

“changes agents”, yet he points out that Christianity also is changed by culture where it is being hosted. In other words, according to Montgomery, Christianity not only changes or transforms culture, but Christianity itself is also socially constructed by the host culture and society.

While Montgomery (1999:16) observes the changes (transformations) that are always brought about by the missionaries, he also admits the continuity between the religio-cultural aspects of pre Christianity and Christian societies. Montgomery therefore

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contends: “The combinations of change and continuity, revolution and conservatism that are associated with religious change, whether stimulated by internal or external factors such as missions, are very complex.”

Haya people, like other societies in the world, have their culture that structures and constructs their life and governs their perceptions of realities and their daily conducts as they strive to face their day-to-day challenges. Their religio-cultural context, as shall be widely discussed later, played a key role towards the application of their conversion to Christianity as point of contact and for the realization of both continuity and discontinuity between Haya Traditional Religion and Christianity. This is because, as Chester (2003:

40) drawing from structuration theory put it:

Conversion means not just that there are many new things to be learnt at the level of discursive consciousness, but also a new set of implicit rules and resources (structure) to be acquired shaping appropriate and competence conduct in host of both contexts. In conversion, perhaps to a greater degree than in many other forms of social activity, these social structures are laid open to transformation. Yet, it must be remembered, this does not eliminate their reproduction for, without an element of reproduction, social activity could not be interpreted. The recursive nature of social life is essential to human ability to make sense of it.

Based on these views I shall argue that the conversion of the Haya to Christianity had to be realized within the Haya religio-cultural context whereby Haya Christians would not only be transformed (discontinuity), but their social context and structure would impact their understanding of Christianity (continuity) based on their religio-cultural frame of reference.

Drawing on socio-anthropological and theological contextual models I explore the Haya cultural life in relation to their Traditional Religion to make my case. To the Haya people their culture is characterized in the beliefs of God and the sense of communal life. In this case an individual is part of the community and a community is a vital component of several individuals. The value of an individual is realized within his or her participation within the entire community. Lutahoire (1974:16), a Haya theologian and a scholar in Northwest Tanzania, who was also a church minister among the Haya and Nyambo,

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observes that the Haya philosophy, at all levels of interaction from family to a clan level, lies in his or her love, solidarity, fellowship and spirit of service.

In the same vein Mbiti (1975:110) contends:

According to the African, man‟s individuality is fulfilled through his participation.

In other words, the individual is not a person until the community has accepted him. In traditional life, the individual does not and cannot exist except cooperatively. He owes his existence to other people, including those of the past generations and his contemporaries.

Mbiti sees the inseparability of African humanity from the community life. Since culture touches fundamental aspects of life, to be a human therefore is to be part of a community‟s culture.

On the other hand, as pointed out earlier, in Haya traditional society, religion and culture are intrinsically interwoven. Montgomery, writing from a sociological-missiological perspective, points out that “in many traditional societies, religion and culture are so intertwined they are almost identical” (1999:108-109). Culture and Haya primal religion were inseparable as religion was a part of and one of the vital components of the Haya culture. Due to this existing intimacy between Haya Traditional Religion and culture as observed above, I argue that religion is a manifestation of culture of a people and treating religion isolated from culture is unintelligible and, in some sense impossible. This approach suggests that any religion, including Christianity, should be propagated and realized within the people‟s socio-religious cultural frame of reference.

It goes without saying therefore that Haya religion was part and parcel of their life.

Religion to the Haya is the divine force that governs their life. It embraces other spheres of life. Thus the political, cultural, economic, social, temporal and spiritual, secular and religious were intrinsically interwoven in such a way that one could not make a clear demarcation of them. For the Haya, religion and spirituality are life and soul. Religion for them can be described in the words of Mbiti (1970:1):

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Africans are notoriously religious, and each people has its own religious system with a set of beliefs and practices. Religion permeates into all the departments of life so fully that it is not easy or possible always to isolate it … philosophy of one kind or another is behind the thinking and acting of every people.

Studies among the Haya show clearly that the social life, culture and politics did not demarcate religion from the rest of life. Sundkler (1980:15) points out that the Haya belonged to various clans and each clan‟s elder was invested with not only social but also religious responsibilities. Describing some of the clan leader‟s roles, Sundkler (1980:15) writes:

He is the leader of that home and family religion which is the traditional cult. He offers prayers, thanksgiving and sacrifices to family [ancestors] and greater [ancestors]. He also acts as a marriage counsellor and often as an umpire when it is a question of assessing makula, bride wealth (sometimes wrongly referred to as

“bride price”), a fundamental institution in the social life of Hayaland as well as in Africa as a whole.

Consequently, among the Haya traditional society, a king was not only a political figure but was responsible for performing religious rituals. The authority of a king was believed to have been institutionalized by God. In other words a King was regarded as a representative of God in the world. His word became a law as long as it served and sustained life and was received unquestionably, for it was believed to be a word of not only a mere king but also a word from God (Rweyemamu 1998:6-7). The term used to refer to a king‟s word was known as Kuhanga, hence a common saying among the Haya - omukama ahanga - implies that his word has a divine creative power. This resonates with the Old Testament creation account where God created the world and everything in it except the human being by His word.

In Haya tradition God is the king of kings who appoints human kings as his representatives to maintain the ontological balance between the physical and spiritual world. It was therefore, the responsibility of the socio-political leader to guarantee harmony and order in the Haya community, and that included relationships with the living dead (Rweyemamu 1998:7 also Hellberg 1965: 69). This attests to the close connection

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between the spiritual and temporal as they were not separated,34 a fact that shows that for the Haya, life is embedded in the sphere of their religio-cultural life. Furthermore, during a crisis in the kingdom, a king was responsible for offering sacrifices to ancestors and for the anticipated victory and protection of soldiers and the entire kingdom. This implies that politics and religion were interconnected.

When dealing with Haya religio-cultural life we are faced with the question of what religion means to the Haya. Is it just a cultural phenomenon or a way of life which is just taken for granted? How does one acquire religion? How could that influence their understanding of conversion to Christianity? What could be the conversion pattern and models that could fit into their religio-cultural and contextual frame of reference which could be applied by missionaries during Christianization? To deal with these questions we need to investigate the nature of Haya religion and how it influences their life.