TÍTULO TERCERO

Introduction

S

ecularization is a multidimensional and complex social process. The Critica Liberale Foundation and the CGIL (the largest Italian trade union) Sezione Nuovi Diritti have jointly sponsored research on the secularization process in Italy since 2005. The results, which are presented in this paper, have been published yearly in a special volume called Quaderno Laico of the Critica Liberale, the Foundation’s review, together with the complete data-base.¹

As a recent study has confirmed, Italy is a predominantly Catholic country.² Thanks to this religious homogeneity, exploring the secularization process in the country does not require making distinctions among different groups within the nation. Various social indicators concerning the Italian population covering the 14 years 1991-2004 are analyzed here including demography, health, and education, as well as participation in Catholic religious rites, public financing of religious groups, and statistics of the Italian Catholic Church and its organizations.

The aim of this chapter is to juxtapose results and indicators from various studies and to reinterpret them from the point of view of the secularization process. The sources of the data are: the Vatican State (which publishes a statistical yearbook), the Italian Episcopal Conference (CEI), the Italian Institute for Statistics (Istat), the Italian Department for Education, and the Italian Department for Health and its research institute (Istituto Superiore di Sanità).³

Public Religious Practice and Religious Affiliation

Before presenting results regarding public religious practices and religious belonging in Italy, it is worth clarifying the relation between the sense of religious belonging and religious practice. This issue has been widely debated

among scholars. Some have argued that religious practice does not necessarily follow a sentiment of belonging, since the practice may aim at gaining some social advantage. On the other hand, empirical studies have shown that practice and the sense of belonging are deeply interlaced. This is the case especially in advanced societies where religion has lost its value as a formal convention. For this reason, religious practice is commonly adopted as a key indicator of religious belonging, although it should be considered together with other indicators concerning the choices, behaviors, and beliefs of individuals.

Religious practice can be of two different kinds: the visible and the invisible.

Visible practice consists of rites celebrated in public and for this reason it is also defined as public practice. Invisible practice concerns activities such as praying which take place in the private sphere. The first type can be studied by observing participation in public rites; in this case data collection can be carried out indirectly. In the second case, the investigation can be carried out only directly with individuals, using qualitative (interviews) as well as quantitative methods (questionnaires).

Here only the public practice is analyzed, more specifically, participation in rites of passage: baptism, first communion, confirmation, and marriage (see Figure 10-1). By and large, participation in life cycle rites has decreased in Italy during the years 1991-2004. The percentage of children aged one or less who have been baptized of the total children born alive in a year fell from 89.9% in 1991 to 77.5% in 2004. Two factors may explain this fall. One is the contribution of non-Catholic immigrants to the birth rate. However, the influence of this factor is small.⁴ Secondly, the phenomenon may be related to a new attitude of Italian parents towards baptism. In the past, the rite was considered of an urgent character due to the belief that children who died without being baptized—

who are bearers of original sin—would have been left for eternity in purgatory.

Nowadays, this belief seems in decline and Catholic parents delay the rite so that the number of children baptized after age one is increasing as well as are baptisms among adults. Furthermore, the Church, after more than seven centuries, has reconsidered this issue.⁵

The first communion rate (per thousand) and the confirmation rate (per thousand) of Italian Catholics diminished during 1991-2004: communions from 9.9 to 8.4 and confirmations from 11.1 to 8.6. These decreases were partly influenced by the aging of the Italian population, since rates are computed for the entire population, but they also represent symptoms of a decrease in religiosity.

The percentage of Concordat⁶ marriages among all marriages registered by the Italian state—i.e. concordat and civil marriages—is constantly decreasing: in 1991 it was 82.5% and in 2004 it was 68.8%. This trend suggests that public

Figure 10-1

religious practice has continuously decreased in Italy during the 1990s.⁷ This result contrasts with higher figures on the frequency of religious service attendance in Italy reported by other researchers.⁸ However, rates of participation in rites of passage are often a better indicator of the degree or depth of the secularization process.

Family and Family Planning

Deep changes in how Italians experience their intimate lives can be observed from other indicators concerning family life choices such as cohabitations, separations, divorces, abortions, the adoption of contraceptive methods—all issues that challenge the Catholic ideal of “natural” family.⁹ The absolute number of cohabitations¹⁰ is increasing, according to survey estimates by the National Institute for Statistics, from 207,000 in 1993 to 556,000 in 2003. Another

indicator is the number of children born outside marriage as a proportion of all children. Between 1991 and 2004, the percentage more than doubled, from 6.7% to 14.9%. Separations—both from concordat and civil marriages in 2004 numbered approximately 80,000, while they were only about 60,000 in 1991.

Divorces too have almost doubled; there were 23,000 in 1991 and 45,000 in 2004.

These results point to the emergence of a new family model in Italy, which is completely opposite to the one promoted by the Catholic Church. There are increasing numbers of couples without children, single parents, and divorced parents who remarry or choose to cohabit. Family formation is changing and following the pattern of other advanced Western countries. Parenthood especially is becoming a deliberate choice rather than a fortuitous event. The data concerning all oral contraception (unfortunately these are the only data available) indicate an increasing rate of usage from 10.3% of fertile women in 1991 to 18.4% in 2004.

These changes in Italian society have been influenced by legal reforms during the 1970s, due to the increase of awareness concerning civil rights. In 1970, a divorce law was passed although it was strongly opposed by the Church and the Christian Democratic Party. It was confirmed by a referendum in 1974.

One year later, in 1975, the New Family Law, promoted by a large majority in parliament including the Christian Democratic Party, was issued. In the same year, another law set up public Family Health Centers to promote the use of contraception. The Fascist law that prohibited them was abolished in 1971 by the Constitutional Court. These reforms have modified the relationship between individual and social group rights within the family by attributing to both husband and wife the same rights and responsibilities.¹¹ Another contributor to the change of the Italian society was the law on abortion passed in 1978 and confirmed by a referendum in 1981. This law stresses women’s freedom of choice. It not only allows abortion but also promotes the diffusion of knowledge concerning means of contraception in public Family Health Centers. In the same year, finally an important reform concerning criminal law was issued: the abolishment of honor as a mitigating factor in cases of homicide, uxoricide, and infanticide. No doubt, all these reforms have greatly contributed to the reshaping of Italians’ views about family, children, and marriage. They advance Italian women’s rights in relation to men’s rights. It is interesting to note that the Catholic Church strongly opposed the approval of divorce and abortion laws and it supported two referenda promoted by Catholic organizations and Catholic political parties aimed at abolishing them. Yet both referenda failed. ¹²

The commitment of the Catholic hierarchy to actively oppose the changes in societies led to increased activism by Catholic organizations promoting the

“natural” family. In particular, the Centers for the Defense of Life and Family (there were 487 in 1991 and 1,785 in 2004) have flourished, as well as Catholic family health centers (467 in 1991 and 517 in 2004). These organizations support couples and families in difficulties and promote the use of natural means of contraception. They are also committed to dissuading women from abortion.

The abortion rate (number of abortion per thousand fertile women) actually decreased between 1991 and 2004. It diminished from 10.9 in 1991 to 9.1 in 2001—and since then it has fluctuated around the annual average of 9.2. The slowing of the downward trend was mainly caused by immigrant women.¹³ Many live in marginal conditions, especially the illegal immigrants, and ignore the opportunities to prevent pregnancies.¹⁴ For this reason, Italian epidemiologists recommend a stronger commitment of the National Health Service to spread information on contraception among immigrant women, a strategy to prevent abortions that has been successful among the Italians.

Variations in the abortion rate may depend on the availability of facilities.

Their availability is in turn also related to the presence of gynecologists, anesthetists, and nurses who are willing to practice abortion in those structures.

The Italian law for abortion allows conscientious objection for employees of gynecological surgeries with regard to abortions. The personnel can change their mind as many times as they want during their professional lives. Unfortunately, there are no mechanisms to prevent employees misusing this opportunity which is common, especially among gynecologists.

Figure 10-2 shows the percentage of health professionals who refuse to practice abortion. For gynecologists, it diminished very slightly between 1991 and 2004 (from 60.4% to 59.5%). It was 67.4% in 2000 which was a holy year for the Catholic Church. Similar results emerge for anesthetists and nurses, but for them the decline between 1991 and 2004 was much steeper: for anesthetists from 60% to 46.3% and for nurses from 45.7% to 39.1%. The discrepancies among the percentages of the three different groups of professionals may be related to differing career strategies. Gender may also influence this phenomenon. We may hypothesize that women and men have a different attitude towards women’s freedom of choice and therefore the number of conscientious objectors differ among the three groups according to the presence of women in each of them (there are more women among nurses than among doctors). Unfortunately, we are not able to test this hypothesis since data concerning doctors or anesthetists and nurses by gender are not available.

Education of Children

Choices regarding children’s education can be considered a good indicator of secularization. The percentage of enrolled pupils taking Catholic religious classes at any level in public schools is worth analyzing. As far as the Catholic religious classes are concerned, it is first necessary to briefly review how they are organized. The first Concordat established that Catholic religious classes had to be compulsory for all Italian students. It was only in 1985 with the revision of the Concordat that Catholic religious classes became optional and an

“alternative curriculum” for students who do not want to participate in Catholic religious classes was established in the official school timetables. Despite the agreements signed by the Italian state with representatives of other religious denominations, which established that Catholic religious classes have to be given in a way that does not discriminate against non-Catholic pupils, the “alternative curriculum” has never been taught in many schools. After years of debate with the representatives of other religious denominations as well as the representatives of associations for the promotion of secularism, and thanks to the positions taken by the Constitutional Court, alternative solutions were proposed. Pupils who do not want to take Catholic religious classes are allowed to study on their own, enter later, or leave school earlier. Notwithstanding this court decision, the Department of Education has issued many ambiguous rules concerning the evaluation of Catholic religious classes, so that the easiest way to cope with uncertainty for both parents and pupils seems to be conformism. Thus the vast majority of Italian pupils (over 90%) choose to attend religious classes.

Another indicator is the proportion of pupils enrolled in Catholic schools.

This is continually diminishing (see Figure 10-3). In 1992, it was 9.1% and in 2004 it was 6.9%. This downward trend is similar for each school level. For the years 1992 and 2004, it was 28.1% and 21.2% in preschools, in elementary schools 6.5% and 4.9%, and in secondary schools it was 4.8% and 2.8%.

All religious schools in Italy are private. Therefore, the evolution of the phenomenon can be better explored by comparing pupils in Catholic schools with pupils in all private schools. The percentage of pupils in Catholic schools compared to pupils in private schools diminished from 67.2% in 1997 (first year for which data are available) to 51.5% in 2004. Just like the previous indicator, the trend is common to all educational levels. This result is even more interesting if we consider that during the same period the overall national share of pupils enrolled in all private schools increased: from 12.5% in 1998 to 13.4% in 2004. Thus, we can conclude that the proportion of Italian parents who prefer private schools is increasing whereas the number of those who choose Catholic schools is decreasing. This result reflects three different factors: first, a change

60.4%

Percentages of Gynecologists, Anesthetists, and Nurses Working for the Italian National Health Service Who Refuse to Practice Abortion, 1992-2004*

*Data for 1993 and 1997 are missing.

Source: Quaderno Laico, 2007.

in the perception of the sense of belonging among Italian parents; second, an increasing mistrust of the quality of education given in Catholic schools; third, at the secondary level in some private schools, other than Catholic, it is easier to obtain the final leaving qualification. The picture is rather different as far as Catholic universities are concerned since the number of students enrolled grew between 1999 and 2004, from about 52,000 to 56,000.

The Italian Catholic Church in Numbers

If a secularization process is proceeding in Italy, it should directly affect the Catholic Church as a social organization. The numbers of priests, deacons, nuns, monks, lay-brothers, and lay-sisters are recorded in the Annuarium, the official yearbook of the Catholic Church (Figure 10-4). Between 1991 and 2004, the number of priests in Italy fell from 57,200 to 51,600; monks fell from 5,000 to 3,500, nuns from 125,800 to 102,300, brothers from 500 to 200, and lay-sisters from 13,500 to 10,100. Only the numbers of deacons and catechists have increased. Deacons, in 2004, were triple the number in 1991. Catechists were 202,000 in 2004, but were only 75,000 in 1996. This counter-phenomenon is probably related to the chastity vow, which is not required for deacons and catechists. Meanwhile, the great difference in numbers between these two roles (only few thousands for deacons and hundreds of thousands for catechists) may depend on the level of personal involvement and on gender: deacons are men, catechists can be either women or men.

We can observe disequilibrium in the proportions between women and men in general. Nuns and lay-sisters together in 2004 were 112,400, while priests, monks, deacons, and lay-brothers were about 62,100. Women are found at the lower level of the hierarchy of the Catholic Church, whereas men can ascend to higher offices, becoming bishops or cardinals. Although there are many opinions inside the Church in favor of access to sacerdotal orders and to positions of higher responsibilities for women, these voices are constantly silenced by the establishment.¹⁵

The incidence of Catholic clergy in the adult population residing in Italy shows that in 2004 there were two priests for every 1,000 men, one deacon and one monk for every 10,000 men, and a lay-brother for every 100,000 men. With respect to women, we found four nuns for every 1,000 women and four lay-sisters for every 10,000 women. Catechists who may be either women or men in 2004 were four for every 1,000 Italian residents. The continuous decrease of vocations is also reflected among the teachers who give Catholic religious classes in Italian public schools, where lay teachers are constantly increasing.

Another dimension that is worthy of consideration are the numbers enrolled

28.1%

Percentages of Pupils in Catholic Schools

(Pre-schools, Elementary Schools, Secondary Schools) in a Year, 1992-2004

Source: Quaderno Laico, 2007.

Pupils in pre-schools Pupils in elementary Pupils in secondary schools

in seminaries. Pupils who study in secondary schools were 7,000 in 1991 and 2,661 in 2004. The number of students enrolled in theological facilities has been stable (around 6,000 each year). Students in theological schools (in comparison to the number of pupils in second level school seminaries) may not be only Italian. They may come from other countries, while pupils in secondary schools are mainly Italian. If this holds true, then the stability in the total number of students in theological schools hides a decrease of Italians. Therefore, the continuous decrease of personnel in the Catholic Church organization in Italy may be actually higher than the data reveal. The nationality of clergy women and men is in fact unknown, and some of them may well not be Italians but foreigners living in Italy.

Catholic Institutions in Italian Society

Although a secularization process seems to be under way in the country, Catholic institutions are still very active in sectors such as education, health, caring and social services. In some cases they are charities or volunteer organizations; in other cases they operate as private companies. The percentage of Catholic schools among all schools in Italy slightly diminished between 1992 and 2004 to about 1.5%. Until 2004, the number of Catholic universities did not vary, although since then, it has increased. Investing in education is not as profitable as it used to be. First, because in Italy as in most advanced countries, fertility is decreasing and therefore the demand for child education is generally low. Second, the number of vocations is diminishing, and therefore the labor costs of Catholic education have risen so that Catholic schools have lost their competitive edge.

The same situation holds for the activities in the health sector, which are generally decreasing, with two exceptions. First, the Church has endorsed the opening of health centers for marginal people like the homeless and illegal immigrants. There were 168 in 2000 and 152 in 2004. They are organized by Catholic associations on a volunteer basis, often with funding help from local public institutions. Second, the Church supports the opening of Catholic family health centers and Centers for the Defense of Life and Family, which are aimed at promoting the positions of the Catholic Church regarding abortion and contraception. The commitment in favor of families emerges also in day-care centers for children up to three years of age (130 in 1991 and 221 in 2004).

However, the greatest demand for care in Italy is related to the older retired population. As with many other advanced societies, Italian population is aging and even more so the Italian religious population¹⁶ because of the decreasing trend in vocations. Offering care of the elderly is therefore not only a promising investment for Catholic religious organizations (old people’s homes are often

1991

1992

1993

1994

1995

1996

1997

1998

1999

2000

2001

2002

2003

2004

0 20,000 40,000 60,000 80,000 100,000 120,000 140,000

Priests Monks Nuns

Figure 10-4

Number of Priests, Monks, and Nuns in the Italian Church, 1991-2004

Source: Quaderno Laico, 2007.

run by nuns), but it is also a way to provide care for retired members of Catholic religious orders. Homes for elderly people, in fact, often accommodate religious people at a reduced rate, too. This is the reason why these kinds of services increased between 1994 (1,791) and 2004 (1,830).

With regard to social services, the issue is deeply interlaced with the activity of volunteer organizations and more generally of the non-profit Third Sector.

With regard to social services, the issue is deeply interlaced with the activity of volunteer organizations and more generally of the non-profit Third Sector.

In document REGLAMENTO SEGURIDAD PÚBLICA MUNICIPAL NUEVO SISTEMA POLICIAL (página 63-66)