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2.6 Summary.
2.1 Introduction
Maori are the indigenous people of Aotearoa New Zealand, having migrated from Eastern Polynesia over a period of time some 800 - 1 1 00 years ago. Oral texts refer to the Maori homeland of origin as Hawaiki, which is almost certainly located in Eastern Polynesia in the vicinity of Tahiti and the Society Islands. This group of islands was settled around the fifth century, and was the centre from which various groups subsequently dispersed to other parts of the Pacific, taking with them a common language (see Buck 1 954, Tregear 1 893). While the language developed in different ways in response to the different environments that were encountered, the geographically dispersed Polynesian languages all have phonological, lexical and syntactic comrnonalities.
Maori language enjoyed an uninterrupted interval as the only language spoken in the country until coming into contact with mainly English and some other European languages through the arrival of settlers and traders from Europe in the late 1 700's and early 1 800's. During this uninterrupted period, the language brought by the Polynesian settlers changed and developed to become in time, the Maori language of Aotearoa New Zealand, able to express what Polk ( 1 970) has called 'the genius of (Maori) nationhood' (Fishrnan 1 989:97), able to encapsulate and describe the culture that developed, and the new environment that was encountered.
At the time of first contact, around 1 800, it was impossible for Maori to foresee the rapid decline of the language that was soon to begin in the second half of the nineteenth century. Initially there was no reason to think that a new language spoken by a relatively small number of explorers, traders and settlers from Europe could pose any threat to the continued viability of the dialects of the Maori language that were the medium of communication, ceremony, trade and commerce, matters spiritual and political used in the valleys and districts of Maori settlements throughout Aotearoa. Indeed, the early European settlers and missionaries were quick to learn the language and to use it in their encounters with Maori.
That the decline did occur, that it was rapid, that the reasons for it were similar to those which caused the decline (and in many cases death) of other indigenous languages throughout the world is well documented. The first part of this chapter outlines the decline by reference to the three generally accepted areas of focus for language planners: language status, language corpus and language acquisition, as identified in Cooper 1 989. It is argued that the decline of the Maori language was a result of both deliberate planning and as a consequence of historical events which served to undermine its status,
corpus and acquisition. Recent progress and efforts to advance the status, corpus and acquisition of the language are also discussed.
The status of a language is reflected in its actual use in the community across the range of functions in which language is generally used. It is influenced by either deliberate or planned attempts to change the 'allocation of functions amongst a community's languages' (Cooper, 1 989:99), or as a consequence of the changing political, social and economic circumstances of the community.
Language corpus refers to the nuts and bolts of a language - the lexical and syntactic items that combine together to form a system of communication. Included in that system are the forms of everyday communication (both written and oral), and also the colloquial, idiomatic, poetic and ceremonial expressions that give a language its uniqueness, vitality and integrity. There is something more to the corpus of a language than a mere assembly of words and grammatical rules. Cooper makes the comparison with architecture, and cites a famous American architect Louis Henri Sullivan who believed that 'an authentic style is a natural expression of the civilisation in which it is rooted' ( 1 989: 1 22). As with the status of a language, a corpus can be planned (for example a system of spelling, or new items of vocabulary for technological or scientific developments), or can occur as a result of contact with another language. It is reflected in how people use a language across its range of functions.
The acquisition of a language is largely an outcome of its ascribed status in the community. If it is used in a variety of community settings particularly in homes, if it is taught in schools, it will be acquired or learnt. The way a language is acquired therefore is a reflection of its status in the community, and the political, social and economic
context in which it exists. A language that is acquired through exposure to its use in homes and community settings may reflect a 'self contained' language community, secure in its own identity, and in control of its own destiny. If that language is taught in schools to native speaking children, then this may indicate a degree of political autonomy or influence. Taught as a second language, it may be a reflection of some political influence but also a comparatively low status in view of the fact it is not used by significant numbers of people in the community, thereby allowing for natural acquisition to occur.
The second part of the chapter summarises the present position of the language through recourse to the macro type surveys that have been undertaken in recent years, in particular, the 1 996 census which included for the first time a question on languages spoken, the 1 995 National Maori Language Survey conducted by the Maori Language Commission, the Te Hoe Nuku Roa baseline study of Maori households undertaken by the School of Maori Studies at Massey University, and the New Zealand Council for Educational Research survey conducted in the late 1 970's.
2.2 Maori language status: maintenance, decline and revitalisation.
The Treaty of Waitangi signed in 1 840 between Maori tribes and a representative of Queen Victoria, was an attempt to formalise the relationship between Maori and the British Crown, and to spell out in broad terms, the expectations that the parties might have in relationship to the other. At this time, Maori outnumbered European by some fifty to one - the Maori population estimated as being somewhere between 1 00,000 and 200,000, and that of the European some 2000 (see Pool 1 97 1 , Adams 1 977). No threat was posed or foreseen to the status and position of the Maori language by the presence
of a new language - schools established by the missionaries used Maori as the medium of instruction (albeit with the intention to convert Maori to the Christian faith); Maori were quick to become literate in their own language; and it was beneficial for European immigrants to learn Maori in order to survive in a new and often harsh environment.
However, the sIgnmg of the Treaty, and the subsequent provISIOn for a settler government in 1 852 opened the door for a period of increased European immigration so rapid, that soon Maori were outnumbered by five to one. In 1 87 1 , Europeans numbered some 256,393, and the Maori population had declined to just 45,470. (Pool 1 97 1 :237). In a short time, the relationship between the two languages had been completely reversed. English had become the dominant language of the country - the language of government, law, commerce and education. There was now little motivation for European immigrants to learn Maori, as their survival no longer depended on their ability to communicate with Maori people. On the other hand, Maori found themselves compelled to learn English at school. The Native Schools Act passed in 1 867 decreed that English was to be the language of instruction in all schools (see Barrington 1 966). and they were also confronted with English quickly becoming the status language of Government and courts of law in their own land.
From this point, the decline of the language was rapid, and followed patterns similar to those of other indigenous languages throughout the world whose people were subjected to the upheaval of colonisation. The decline can be illustrated by estimating the number of proficient speakers of the language over time, and is represented graphically in Figure 2. 1 . Figures are based on the first Maori language survey conducted by Dr Richard Benton in 1 978, the national Maori language survey undertaken by the Maori Language Commission in 1 995, and the Te Hoe Nuku Roa baseline survey of Maori households
conducted by the School of Maori Studies at Massey University between 1 995 and 1 997. F or the years prior to these surveys, estimates of the numbers of speakers of Maori have been based on reports from school inspectors and language experts (see Benton 1 979; Benton 1 98 1 ; Waitangi Tribunal 1 986).
Figure 2.1 The decline of the Maori language 1 800 - 2000.
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� 20 Ice :::E l O <;.... o l SO() l S-lO 1 l\80 1 920 1 960 2000Major reasons for the decline in the status of the language are listed below and discussed further as the Chapter progresses.
i) Loss of political power resulting in oppression of the language through statute (e.g. Native Schools Act 1 867, Tohunga (Expert Spiritual Leader) Suppression Act
1 907);
ii) Discrimination against the language in matters of public policy (e.g. education and broadcasting) ;
iii) Commonly held beliefs about Maori language and bilingualism (e.g. that Maori was an inferior language because it had no literary tradition, that bilingualism was cognitively disadvantageous for children);
iv) Widespread negative attitudes toward Maori language;
v) Rapid urbanisation of the Maori population following the Second World War, removing parents and children from the linguistic and cultural influence of the grandparent generation and Maori institutions such as marae. The Maori Affairs Department of the time had a policy of 'pepper potting' Maori families on arrival in the cities - placing them in houses amongst Pakeha neighbours, ensuring that initially at least, communities that were Maori in orientation were not able to be established thereby mitigating against the maintenance of the Maori language;
vi) The pervasive influence of the English language popular media, especially television and its power to influence fashion, trend and lifestyle.
The catch cry of the early part of the twentieth century was to seek the knowledge of the Pakeha; therein lay the salvation for Maori people, the pathway toward a better future. Such messages were broadcast by Maori and Pakeha leaders alike, through various agencies such as schools, churches, youth groups, family support services, targeting the material, spiritual, social and cognitive wellbeing of Maori. However, by the 1 970's it was becoming more and more apparent that the much-heralded benefits of Western civilisation were not being enjoyed equitably by Maori people. This, coupled with the growing realisation, especially by Maori living in urban areas (and by this stage some were second and third generation urban dwellers), that Maori language and culture was of critical intrinsic and affective importance. The decline by this stage was so entrenched that some even had difficulty laying the dead to rest with dignity and in accordance with Maori custom. Maori remained physically identifiable as Maori but a large majority had lost understandings of cultural beliefs and practices, had become removed from living arrangements which allowed extended families to operate as economic and social units, and had lost the language which enabled communication and
interaction with the world as Maori. In later years such cultural dispossession was to be identified as a maj or cause of Maori mental ill health (see for example Durie 1 998b, Maxwell & Morris 1 999).
This then was the backdrop to what has been called the Maori renaissance. By the 1 960's and early 70's there were a significant number of Maori who had attained positions within the bureaucracy, and to a lesser extent the professions, such as teaching, by dint of their success in the education system. Many of these people had been brought up in rural areas, and had therefore been socialised into the ethic, cultural values, and language of the Maori community. Positions in the education sector were targeted as it was believed that education could provide the dual panacea of improving the position of Maori people within New Zealand society generally, and of also helping to reverse the decline of Maori language and culture. These people worked tirelessly, often at the expense of their own health, and in institutions that were often racist and orientated toward maintaining the status quo of power relationships between Maori and pakeha. John Tapiata was appointed as the first head of a Maori Studies Department at a teachers training college in 1 973, and in spite of the fact that he was in constant conflict with the norms, values and operation of the institution, he was successful in developing a unique Maori approach to teacher education (see Goulton-Fitzgerald and Christensen, 1 996). Many others were able to make similar contributions in different areas of society.
At the same time there was growing political unrest and protest with regard to Maori alienation from lands and resources, historical injustice, and continuing inequality in enjoying the benefits of a contemporary New Zealand lifestyle. This unrest led to the
1 975 land march from Cape Reinga to Wellington, which captured widespread support from Maoridom along with a small representation of liberal minded Pakeha.
There was a response from the government which in hindsight might be viewed as largely tokenistic in nature. However it was important in terms of providing a starting point for later and more focussed developments. In 1 974 the Maori Affairs Act was amended to officially recognise Maori as 'the ancestral language' of Maori people, but went no further in requiring any sort of affirmative or positive action. In the education sector 'taha Maori' programmes were established in primary schools which allowed for a short time each week to be devoted to teaching Maori arts and crafts, rudimentary language skills such as greetings and commands, and action songs to all children, Maori and Pakeha alike. While such a move failed to offer any substantial support to reverse the decline of the language, and while it also created problems from a Maori perspective of ensuring that what was included in the curriculum was authentic, it did however represent a 'foot in the door', a platform from which further developments such as the need for more and better qualified teachers, bilingual and immersion education could be argued.
While efforts to reverse the decline of Maori language have been focussed largely on the education sector, this has not occurred in a vacuum. Rather it has been accompanied and closely tied to a growing movement toward Maori nationalism which has also been manifest in other areas such as litigation, protest, broadcasting, economic development, and the settlement of historical injustices arising from breaches of the Treaty of Waitangi. With respect to the language, the case brought before the Waitangi Tribunal by Huirangi Waikerepuru and Nga Kaiwhakapumau i te Reo in 1 986 was of critical importance. The Tribunal found that because of the Treaty of Waitangi, the Crown had
an obligation to actively protect the language and that historically its actions (or inaction) with regard to the language had been in breach of this obligation, and had therefore been instrumental in its decline. An important factor in the Tribunal's decision was their finding (based on evidence from Maori language experts) that the language was a taonga (treasure), and therefore guaranteed protection under Article Two.
The Tribunal made five recommendations to the Crown:
i) that legislation be introduced enabling any person who wishes to do so to use the Maori language in all Courts of law and in any dealings with Government Departments, local authorities and other public bodies; ii) that a supervising body be established by statute to supervise and foster
the use of the Maori language;
iii) that an enquiry be instituted forthwith into the way Maori children are educated including particular reference to the changes in current departmental policies which may be necessary to ensure that all children who wish to learn Maori should be able to do so from an early stage in the educational process in circumstances most beneficial to them and with financial support from the State;
iv) that in the formulation of broadcasting policy regard be had to this finding that the Treaty of Waitangi obliges the Crown to recognise and protect the Maori language, and that the Broadcasting Act 1 976 (section 20) enables this to be done so far as broadcasting is concerned;
v) that amendments be made to the State Services Act 1 962 and the State Services Conditions of Employment Act 1 977 to make provision for bilingualism in Maori and English to be a prerequisite for appointment
to such positions as the State Services Commission deems necessary or
desirable (Waitangi Tribunal Report 1 986:5 1 ).
Crown action has been variable in terms of achieving full implementation of the recommendations. For example, the right to use Maori has been achieved with respect to some Courts, but not with Government Departments and other public bodies. Furthermore, if a person does choose to use Maori in Court, it is the interpreter's translation that is written as the official record of what is said. It can be argued that although progress has been it is much less than envisaged by the Tribunal.
Official recognition must be seen to be real and significant which means that those who want to use our official language on any public occasion or when dealing with any public authority ought to be able to do so. To recognise Maori officially is one thing, to enable its use widely is another thing altogether. There must be more than just the right to use it in Courts. There must also be the right to use it with any department or local body if official recognition is to be real, recognition, and not mere tokenism. (Waitangi Tribunal Report 1 986:47)
However, the claim and the Tribunal's finding have provided a legal platform from which to argue for greater recognition of the language. From the outset, the importance of broadcasting was recognised by those pursuing the goal of Maori language revitalisation. Arguments centred around the functions of language transmission (the ability of broadcasting to get inside Maori homes and work places); language status (the ability of broadcasting and in particular television to be influential); social unification (the ability of broadcasting and in particular iwi radio, to unite people); and language acquisition (the ability of broadcasting to assist in acquisition of the language, in
particular new items of vocabulary, and aspects in decline such as klwaha (colloquial expressions) and whakataukI (proverb).
Subsequent to the Waitangi Tribunal's finding, there have been 1 3 instances where Maori have taken legal action to argue that the Crown has failed to meet its obligations and responsibilities with respect to broadcasting.
Maori have argued that radio and television broadcasting has the potential to play a