Tendencias futuras de la codificación de imagen

I n the preceding extract, Rotherham (200 1 ) i mplies that people like Hubbard and don't l ike Kerr, or at least they have an attitude about the public persona of each. Like so many commentators (e.g. Ceramalus, 1 998), and the protagonists themselves (e.g. C 30, 34; Kerr, 1 998c), she casts the players in opposition to each other, reflecting the

positions taken in a formal debate and thus exploiting "the power of the negative" (Burke, 1 966, p. 402), this time to emphasise shortcom ings in Kerr' s communication style. Kerr calls on the God of the Old Testament, preaching hellfire and damnation. Hubbard' s God is a god of love.

Hubbard benefits from the comparisons, which carry with them associations of archetypal positions. Just as the archetypal ' good ' Christian is in battle with the ' evil ' Satan, the White Knight i s in combat w ith the Dark Knight and saints are contrasted with sinners, so Hubbard is contrasted with Kerr as the representative of established, orthodox business practices, and even occasionally contrasted with himself - a fal len version of Hubbard' s own ideal.

Thus, in terms of business leadership, Hubbard' s style carries ' good' associations that l ink to his overt ethical stance. Leadership and ethics have been explored elsewhere (e.g. Carroll, 200 1 ; Ciul la, 1 998; Gill, 1 996; Minkes, S mall & Chatterjee, 1 999; Solomon,

1 998), but I wish to draw attention to perceptions of ethical leadership and archetype. While narrative accounts in books have cast Hubbard as a hero manager, other rhetorical representations of Hubbard draw freely on the classic leadership archetypes of Father, Hero, Saviour and King (Steyrer, 1 998) -the first three of which parallel the Christian Trinity of Father, Son and Holy Ghost and the King is the mature hero (Steyrer, 1 998).

The Father image comes most immediately to the fore in relation to Hubbard' s own narrative which refers to the fami ly of Hubbard Foods Limited (e.g. C 1 0; 47). It has been discussed in previous chapters in terms of Hub bard' s sense of a family company

that bears the Hubbard name (Chapters Five and S ix), in his idea of a Clipboard

community (Chapter S ix) and in terms of Hubbard 's paternalism (Chapter Seven).

The Hero image has also been explored earlier in this thesis (Chapter Six). The

Clipboard hero is a self-deprecating 'everyman' . With appeal ing modesty Hubbard rhetorically exploits images of himself in heroic situations (conquering Mt Cook; sailing the Pacific in a yacht), and fearlessly defending his vision of a better [business] way against powerful established interests. Hubbard triumphs in the face of adversity and, despite the odd setback, "never, never, never, give[ s] up" (C 28). The image of Hubbard as saint also reinforces the hero archetype as, from a Church perspective, a saint is one who has pursued an heroic life in the faith.

In turn, the wise King is evoked mainly through press representations that refer to gurus and kings. I llogically, this archetype is bolstered by potentially damaging press reports about shortcomings in Hubbard 's management practice or j udgement. Negative

associ ations of failure to l ive up to his own standards of business social responsibility are diminished by Hubbard' s widely communicated philosophy of risk, fai lure and learning from m istakes. The theme of optimism mitigates the pessimism personi fied by those who criticise Hubbard. He is a ' human' man with human failings. Fai lure enriches, makes one more determined and wiser, and the hero learns that courage, determination and good intentions do not ensure success at every stage.

The analysis of cultural themes also points strongly to the Sav iour archetype. Explicit i n references such a s "the Messiah of muesli" (Marks, 2002, p. 49), a complex but

complementary array of associations serve to present Hubbard as a powerfu l b ut compassionate figure whose management practices and philosophy of business social responsibility present hope for a better future.

By contrast, Kerr is presented negatively by Hubbard and by the press. Yet, with the exception of the Father image, the same archetypes are visible in representations of Kerr. In h i s own narrative he is the battered but unyielding, wise King. Yet the news media suggest that his status as King is no longer tenable, largely because of the challenge that Hubbard has posed. Kerr also harks back to the role of the NZBR as Saviour o f New Zealand business and the economy, whereas the press recast him as desperately clinging to old ways of thinking about business's role in society. They openly question both the function of the NZBR and Kerr's position as its spokesperson.

The Hero arch et ype,too, is called upon through antithesis. Undoubtedly Kerr is accomplished, he demonstrates courage, but in press narratives h e has none of the hero ism associated with the entrepreneurial drive and achievement of Hubbard. Rather, Kerr emerged from the security of the civil service employment and now, as professional representative of the NZBR, he is stil l protected from the risks and sacrifices of the ' real' business world. Perhaps too, this epitomises his distance from those audience members he might wish to influence.

8.5.2 Different Audiences

Hubbard and Kerr's public personae are established using similar archetypes but with different emphases for their different audiences. Most immediately, Kerr presents as a ' Defender of the Faith', the priest of the establ ished orthodoxy. According to V incent:

Rel igious fundamental ists grant authority to their scriptures from the basis of belief, and the scriptures then, in turn, give authority to other belief statements. It is a closed system. There is a similar closed system in the way the NZBR

documents claim authority by using authors from the pool of overseas experts and then call on the same pool to validate their statements. ( 1 998, p . 204)

Analysis of Roger Kerr' s rhetori c demonstrates this position. His is a ' religion' of the mind or i ntellectualism. Kerr exhibits in his narrative a righteousness of doctrinal position set out i n the business press and i n his publications on corporate social responsibility that are texts of speeches delivered to commerce students or business i nterest groups. Kerr seeks to win over young supporters through his endorsement of established business values and appeals to the accomplishments of high-profile business people who espouse those values. More generally in his columns in the mainstream business press Kerr seeks to confirm the faith of the already 'converted ' . The audience is not a general one of all non-bel ievers. Rather, the audience comprises converts and those most open to conversion - business people and future business people - with special attention to the doubters or unbelievers who 'matter' such as the policy-makers. G iven that the main opposition to his message comes from a far more grass-roots constituency, Kerr may have to adapt h is message to obtain legitimacy with a d i fferent aud ience (Rotherham, 2000).

Kerr's constituency is different to that of Hubbard as he is ' fighting the good fight' (my words) on behalf of new right economics and the capitalist elite. The case is argued in rational terms, perhaps meaningful to a business audience, but appearing tired,

i ntel lectual and even alienating to 'ordinary New Zealanders', those "mums and dads" (C 1 0) who comprise Hubbard' s constituency.

In contrast, Hubbard, the 'prophet' speaks directly to his followers in their own homes. The chatty, commonsense, yet slightly whimsical style connects in a very non-business, very "Hubbardsy" (C 36; 49) manner. Hubbard's is a rel igion of the ' heart', or human

relations�ips. In h is attempt to create a community of the Clipboard, Hubbard

constitutes n ot only his employees but also his customers as followers of the ' Hubbard way ' . His i deas are received by people and publicly supported as they offer hope. Hope

i s strengthened by the knowledge that Hubbard is himself a businessman and the challenge to orthodoxy thus comes from within. As one admirer states:

At last some sense at the end of a long tunnel, and from a businessman too . . . The problem is known as raw materialism and greed which, promoted at all costs by a small all-powerful elite, has particularly prospered in the last 1 50 years as an unprecedented and unsustainable consumer binge making the Roman orgies look l ike kindergarten parties . . . . Every strength therefore to the Dick Hubbards of our world - they're going to need it. (Wilson, 1 998, p. 8)

8.5.3 Contrasting Visions of Business Social Responsibility

Hubbard does more than chal lenge the NZBR way of doing business. He also redefines the debate. First, he presents an image of the NZBR 'way' in stereotypical terms, avoiding direct engagement with Kerr over some issues in which Kerr feels

misrepresented (Kerr, 1 998c). Second, he defines the terms of d iscussion. Whilst Kerr talks of "corporate" social responsibility, Hubbard uses the term "business" social responsibility. In so doing Hubbard effectively captures the debate. Business is the broader, more inclusive term and, to many people outside big business, the terms 'corporate' and ' business' are synonymous. If the 'business of business is business', l ikewise, for most of Hub bard's readership and possibly many journalists, ' business is business' . Distinctions between corporates and family businesses are merely confusing and distracting. One consequence of defining the debate in terms of business social responsib i l ity is to undermine Kerr's rational appeal to 'agency' , which does not present the same problem for the owner-manager as it does for a professional manager.

Furthermore, the David and Goliath imagery can evoke enhanced opposition to ' big' business as corporates are seen to exercise bullying tactics over the heroic smal l

operator. Perhaps perversely, size works against the traditionally more powerful business interests - if small or medium sized business can do well by doing good, the implication, by reference to Davis' ( 1 973) ' iron law of social responsibility', is that big business should do even more social good.

8.5.4 Contrasting Visions of Community

Hubbard ' s v iew of community derives its core from "basic values". I established in Chapter Six that Hubbard' s romantic notion of community highlights a utopian ideal where people support each other to achieve a better world for their children. H ubbard counteracts the negative stereotypes of the business world through his romantic narrative of social responsibility as good neighbourl iness, or people working together for people. As the new prophet, Hubbard b rings novelty and imagination to the prevailing forces of the business world. In the ' imagined community' , obstacles and adversaries such as those posed by the power of big business are overcome and a new state of harmony and

i ntegration are achieved. This draws upon Burke' s principle of transcendence through the ' prom ised land' of community. Business is positioned in society, rather than as separable from it, playing i nto the traditional New Zealand version of the myth of a ' benevolent community' (Reich, 1 987), exemplified in the social cooperation or ' mucking in' of community ' working bees' . The romantic narrative is supplemented by the epic narrative by way of the theme of enterprise or entrepreneurship - the hero manager. The often overlapping epic narrative focuses on heroic leadership within the tests and trials of the epic quest, to redefine senior managers "in a central, critical heroic, almost mystical role" (Clark & Salaman, 1 998, p. 1 55).

Roger Kerr also fits the romantic narrative frame. Whi le it would be easy to present Kerr as a defender of the faith against a pernicious, damning attack by any form of

collectivism, he, like Hubbard, proj ects a sense of community - a different one, where business values prevail. His is a view grounded in the philosophic assumptions of atomic individualism (Buchholz & Rosenthal, 1 997). To him communities are collectivities of individuals working cooperatively for individual reward that will in turn benefit society as a whole.

8.6 CONCLUSION

Here I have explored through narrative how rhetoric is used to create publ ic awareness in a political struggle between an advocate of ' more' business social responsibility, and a representative of a key business lobby group. I suggest that one of the quandaries of the

business or corporate social responsibility debate is that the positions are not as clear as they might be, nor are they as clear as current theory might suggest. Our tendency to present simplified models of complex constructs is usefu l in assisting us to conceptualise those constructs, but perhaps those models actually serve to subconsciously encourage

us to i gnore complexity in favour of simplicity, and action in favour of a theory. I have started from the premise that there is some virtue in capturing the resonance and

interplay of organisational meaning, and that rhetorical analysis of narratives can help us do that.

I have demonstrated a narrative method in operation in order to capture a process - the contest between two protagonists over time - and to contextual ise it, thus

acknowledging the complexity and inherent richness of the debate. In comparing and contrasting the narratives of Kerr and Hubbard my analysis shows how the competing narratives ' operate' rhetorical ly to draw on fundamental associations, in this case religious i magery and archetypes, to add i mpact to their arguments and legitimise their political stances. Religion is identified as a means rather than an object of

argumentation. As such, it rel ies on universal understandings and a ' universal audience' who share agreement on certain issues.

This narrative exposes areas of confluence between Hubbard's and Kerr' s business philosophies. They each openly support a capital ist system, agree upon the economic role of business in creating j obs and generating profit, and endorse the necessity for business compliance within a legislative framework. They even agree that there is a role for business in contributing to social issues and, from time to time, cautiously endorse the other's position on certain other issues. Hubbard and Kerr disagree, however, as to the extent of that social role, the type of social obl igation business has, and the

conditions for legitimate business involvement in social issues.

Both men draw on leadership archetypes in their rhetoric and the press rhetoric serves to enhance or undermine these self-presentations. In Hubbard ' s case, the press serves to

both create and endorse positive archetypes, generating the i mpression of Hubbard as a charismatic leader.

A lthough parallels and simi larities are evident when a cultural perspective is appl ied to the texts, we find that Hubbard and Kerr are rhetoricall y positioned quite differently to each other. Hubbard heralds a new gospel or revelation, whereas Kerr is defender of the established orthodoxy. Thus identification and division (Burke, 1 969b; Chapter Three of this thesis) are constantly played off against each other. H ubbard represents the ' new' against Kerr's 'old', and ' emotion' against the ' reason' represented by Kerr who preaches the accepted business dogma. Kerr's is ostensibly an economic narrative relying on ' rationality' as the basis of responsibility and on reason as a foil to i rresponsibility. Yet, perhaps incongruously, that rational ity is bolstered by religious i magery that is used to convey a sense of authority, business acumen and stability.

I demonstrate that competing narratives of two people who m ight normally be cast as occupying opposite ends of the social responsibility continuum, can share certain views and draw on similar images and simi lar cultural archetypes to legitimise their positions. Thus we can begin to focus on similarities as well as differences, and points of

congruence rather than disparity. I also show that arguments both ' for' and 'against' business social responsibil ity come from those inside business claiming to represent the broader business and society interest. My analysis has helped to remi nd us that business social responsibil ity may not be social responsibility per se, but rather, it could be argued, capitalism with a benign face, with inherent contradictions and tensions.

CHAPTER NINE :

9.1 INTRODUCTION

BUSINESS SOCIAL RESPONSIBILITY AS A NEGOTIATED PROCESS

This case study of Hubbard Foods Limited focuses primarily on the actions and public persona of its founder and managing d irector, Dick Hubbard, who has been prominent in defining how business social responsibility is understood in New Zealand. In his role of promoter and steward of business social responsibility, Hubbard is engaged in a

persuasive process wherein he both constitutes and enacts business social responsibil ity.

I have appl ied three distinctive but interrelated forms of rhetorical analysis to the text l inked with Hubbard Foods Limited. Role analysis, dramatism and cultural analysis provide critical lenses on Hubbard 's enactments of business social responsibil ity.

Here I review the broader features and the research context of the study. I return to the research question and its associated aims in order to reflect upon my findings in the context of scholarship around business social responsibil ity, stakeholder management and corporate citizenship . I also discuss the insights gained from rhetorical analysis and draw together the various analytical strands woven through the thesis. Next I comment on the limitations of the study. Prior to the concluding comment I propose a new definition of business social responsibility in a New Zealand context and discuss the implications of my findings for managers and for business and society research .

This chapter blends discussion and conclusions, the latter being a point of departure for the ongoing story of business social responsibility.

9.2 RESEARCH QUESTION AND SCHOLARSHIP