La teoría de Josefina Ludmer : la despolitización de la gauchesca

Non-native teachers in Asonbwa seemed to settle down in the community, which became their base. Their willingness to go back to the community seemed to occur naturally, as their lives were not divided into two, as were the lives of most teachers in other cases who stayed in the community only while the schools were open. Indeed, teachers could find their lives secured both in the short term as well as in the long term, because they lived in rural areas.

6.2.7.4. Relationships with Colleagues

Teachers in Asonbwa were observed as being close to each other. Asonbwa Primary and JSS were each headed by thier own HT and had independent buildings. However, both HTs used an office in the JSS building, which had been newly built by the DA. Teachers of both schools used a room next to the HTs‟ office as a teachers‟ common room. Moreover, it was usual practice for teachers to eat lunch together − the JSS HT was in charge − using

foodstuff contributed by the community (a couple of female pupils had to miss their classes to cook lunch). After lunch, one of JSS teachers taught an extra class in turn.

Extra classes for JSS pupils to prepare them for their BECE, which took place during the break between the second and third term, were common in both Ponkujaku and Aumisoe. Normally, the class for JSS 3 started as late as the second term and finished once the BECE was over72. However, in Asonbwa, extra classes continued for JSS1 and JSS2 pupils after the BECE. Indeed, at the time of this study − the third term − there were no extra classes organised in Nakaose or Manekanto. Many teachers in Asonbwa were not well paid. Why would they work under such conditions?

Many teachers in Asonbwa mentioned their “care” for their younger ones as a reason to be a teacher, one of the most common reasons given by teachers in this study, as the previous chapter indicates. However, teachers in Asonbwa seemed more confident in what they were doing, as they had tangible results to indicate pupils‟ progress. They were proud of the fact that the school got the first place in the BECE 2007 among the eight JSSs in the same circuit with a pass rate of 61.9%, competing with town schools on the trunk road, and 14th place out of 39 in the district. Indeed, it was a big improvement from 11.5% and the 27th place in 2006. The schools also performed well in sports competitions within the circuit in 2007/08. Teachers seem to have high morale, knowing their contributions to pupils‟ achievement and thus their usefulness. One volunteer teacher who was in charge of sports activities and had taught for three years said, “I have to come here to teach them [sports activities], academic too. My presence here is beneficial to students.” In previous research, there were accounts of some teachers who were disappointed with the poorer performance

of pupils in rural areas (Pryor and Ampiah. 2003). However, those who are committed to being a teacher seem to assess their pupils‟ progress independently rather than comparing them to others, especially those in schools in towns who are more likely better off and outperforming. Teachers‟ realisation that they are actually helping pupils in rural areas who tend to have fewer options in learning seems to encourage teachers to keep going.

Two female teachers, the JSS HT and the P1 teacher, plus the KG teacher, were particularly close to each other, although all the teachers did their house chores independently. They were of similar ages with young children. The JSS HT with her two-year old son did not have a caretaker; instead, two school-aged children of the KG teacher, who lived in the next room in the TQ, supported her, helping with the cooking and taking care of her son.

Similarly, the JSS HT and the P1 teacher took care of their toddlers in turn (for the HT‟s daily life, see box 4). When there was a funeral in another community, the three of them paid a visit together. Indeed, they were observed together during most of their free time. Their mutual informal support seemed not only to ease their household chores, but also to enhance their mutual appreciation, which seems similar to the case of the GES teachers living in the TQ in Jamune.

Box 4 The JSS HT’s daily life

The JSS HT lived in one of the four-bedroom TQ houses with her two-year old son, 20 metres away from the JSS school block. Once she had got up, she boiled water for bathing by using firewood, as she listened to the radio. She took porridge for breakfast which she bought from community members. She went to school before morning assembly with her son following. During her free periods, she started preparing lunch − local dishes with yam, plantain, corn dough, or rice. A couple of hours before dark, she started preparing dinner, one of the local dishes. She again bathed with heated water. She sometimes chatted with the P1 teacher (who lived 50 metres away) and the KG teacher and by 9 pm she went to her room. Her husband came to visit his family over weekends.

The solidarity among teachers seemed quite strong in Asonbwa. It may have been fostered by their choosing to live in the community, including nearby, with their families; thus, they may have been more attached to the community and thus more willing to do act

collaboratively. The situation may have been influenced by who was the leader. The JSS HT seemed to demonstrate her care for other teachers, arranging lunch and being friendly and approachable to all. Although I did not meet the HT and assistant HT of the primary

school during my stay − both were attending non-residential upgrade programmes at that time − their presence would not have much changed what I observed and how I interpreted the situation. Teachers in Asonbwa appeared to act as a team or a family.

6.2.7.5. Relationship with the Community

The community members‟ interest in education was similar to that in the other cases. The community thought that education is the only way to get a financially stable future for children, and thus, secure the future for their parents/guardians. They saw that (secondary) education would lead to “white-collar jobs”, government jobs in their definition. However, what appeared to be the difference between Asonbwa and the other cases in Aumisoe was that community members in Asonbwa were more serious or more desperate. They did not see any future through farming, especially cocoa, since there was no more land to expand; all was being utilised. There were no any other industries, such as gold mines like in Nakaose and Manekanto. Two young female farmers, JSS leavers, both of whom spoke quite good English, said that they wanted their sons to work in the agriculture sector, but as administrators who did not have to toil in the fields weeding with scythes as their parents did.

Furthermore, the community seemed to know what they should do for education and what they needed to do to retain teachers in such a “remote village”. Provision of

accommodation, food, and firewood, as described earlier, was a collective effort. In

addition, four of the five volunteer teachers were paid from community funds − ¢15 to ¢20 a month. Although the SMC chairman said it was “small money just for soap”, it was systematic support, unlike the situation in Nakaose and Manekanto. Moreover, according to him, teachers could be provided with interest free loans from the community funds if they were in need: previously, some of newly posted teachers had been given ¢50 to ¢100 so that they could manage until they received a salary. I was surprised that the SMC chairman knew of teachers‟ possible financial difficulties. It was significant that none of four

volunteer teachers taking the UTDBE had stopped the programme, unlike the volunteer teacher in Manekanto.

The SMC chairman, who had a secondary education and was a cocoa farmer as well as a cocoa purchasing clerk, appeared to play a key role not only to show the community‟s care for the teachers with actual measures, but also to prevent unnecessary misunderstandings arising between the teachers and the parents/guardians. He became a gate keeper for teachers through his more than 10-year experience. He said:

There was a time somebody rushed to school to ask questions and wanted to hear something from teachers. Sometimes a teacher punished a child, caning him, and a child would be weeping, parents, especially mothers, got angry by all means. Mothers may not have patience. They rush to school. Sometimes there would be no understanding … If there is anything, they have to pass through me.

According to him, even those who would like to provide food for teachers had to get his permission to approach a teacher. Then parents/guardians were expected to come back to him to inform him regarding what he or she had talked about and/or had heard.

Why the SMC chairman and parents/guardians could behave in such way seemed to be partly influenced by how the chief governed his people. According to the teachers and SMC chairman, all school-age children were required to attend primary school or JSS and were not allowed to go to wake-keeping73; if they played truant, they would be caned by a parent teacher association (PTA) official. However, the real punishment lay in the fact that the errant child‟s family could be expelled from the Ewe community by the chief. This meant that the family would receive no support from the community in the case of a funeral, the biggest and most expensive event for the family.

All arrangements seem to have been well administered under the leadership of the chief, demonstrating the unity of the community in its support of education. There seemed mutual appreciation between the teachers and the community.

6.2.7.6. Teachers’ Identities and Personalities

The JSS HT – the only young female trained basic school teacher living in rural areas in Aumisoe − had been in Asonbwa JSS for two years since she had completed a private TTC. She had turned down her initial JSS post in a town on a trunk road, being convinced by her

fiancé (now husband) and his friends, all of whom were from nearby villages, that she could help Asonbwa JSS, which was without any female teacher at that time. Her husband, who was one year her senior and had attended the same TTC, had become a primary school teacher, but in an adjacent district in another region74. She explained that her belief as a Christian encouraged her to accept the post even without her husband. She said:

The Bible lets us know that we have to go to typical villages and serve people in need or something. So I chose that from the Bible. People who are here too need a help. So I must stay and help them. If I refuse this place, it means the JSS lacks some teachers. That is the reason why I decided to. I said the Bible, Bible concerned, stay.

On the other hand, she seemed to have had practice in managing her life through her experiences: since she was young, she had supported her mother with five children, by trading and farming, with little help from her father, who had many wives. She finished a private TTC with support from her mother.

She planned to stay in Asonbwa for another two years until she had finished her DBE, maintaining the same lifestyle: her husband would continue to work in the same district and she and their two children (the second child was almost due at the time of study) would live in Asonbwa. Then she would like to move to a town for her children‟s education. She did not seem to find working and living in Asonbwa as a disadvantage either personally or professionally.

She did not think that she would leave teaching, as she valued the free time after school and vacation periods of more than three months a year. She wanted to take a degree after her diploma, then to teach at an SSS or a TTC. She also showed her interest in establishing a KG at some time in her career, and a primary school, and hopefully, a JSS, to provide security after her retirement; she thought that after retirement, working for the GES or for another person for private education would not provide enough financial security. She seemed to perceive her situation positively, not only did her life in a rural area with the community support minimise her living cost and allow her to save money, but also she felt

74

He did not get a district sponsorship from Aumisoe District Assembly, although he had tried hard. Therefore, he did not want to work for Aumisoe.

there was no less opportunity for career development. It seems very important for teachers to see their current life in respect of their long-term goals, not only a career path, but also their long-term well-being.

6.2.8. Key Findings from the Case in Aumisoe

There is a diversity of teachers in rural Aumisoe, similar to Ponkujaku, in terms of qualifications and affiliation. Teachers also tend to try to secure their economic situation through having a second job, mainly farming. As part of decentralisation, communities have been encouraged to support teachers, including paying their volunteer teachers (Bray 1996). However, their unstable financial situations could hinder them from attending schools to teach, as was seen in Nakaose and Asonbwa, where those teachers‟ attendance rates (24%-62%) were lower than those of the GES teachers (except the trained teachers in Nakaose). Those teachers without the UTDBE could be much more temporary.

Inconsistency of teaching with volunteer teachers is inevitable. Leaving responsibility to the community to encourage teachers does not seem feasible even in Aumisoe, which could be considered better off than Ponkujaku.

Teachers in rural Aumisoe appear to be vulnerable in terms of food acquisition. Teachers tend to find it difficult to get food in rural areas where foodstuff is more likely to be

expensive and often is not available to purchase. Many farm, like the teachers in Ponkujaku, but this does not necessarily provide security all the time. Without the community‟s support, teachers tend to face unsafe and insecure daily lives. In this sense, teachers‟ needs have to be addressed to include a wider range of materials than those included in some „incentive packages‟, such as accommodation and bicycles.

Teachers seem to perceive if they are appreciated by the community or not by the level of materials, mainly foodstuff, provided. When teachers‟ expectations were not

accommodated, as was seen in the case of trained teachers‟ in Nakaose, the teachers seemed disappointed and discouraged. The Asonbwa‟s case is the opposite. Indeed, there seems to be a gap between the teachers and the community members, in terms of

understanding what is necessary for teachers‟ welfare. On the other hand, the extent to which the community can support teachers seems to depend partly on how teachers work

and vice versa. It also appears that a strong leadership of the community can make a

difference. Each party can encourage or discourage the other. In short, teacher motivation is closely related to the relationship between the teacher and the community.

Teachers‟ identities and personalities are a key factor of motivation. Religion seems to provide the meaningfulness of the job, and thus, encouragement. On the other hand, their identities as professionals may be threatened when they find that they are not appreciated. As a job, teaching is unusual; as teachers are working with children, but not much with their colleagues (Evans 1998), teachers seem to assess their usefulness through the

community‟s response and treatment. Teachers‟ identities seem to be also influenced by the DEO (which will be discussed in chapter 8), but, surprisingly, teachers appear to be much more affected by the relationship with the community.

6.3. Conclusion

Teachers in rural areas, especially those from outside the community, could be vulnerable to the environment. Their health might be at risk due to poorer infrastructure and the lack of food security. Teachers‟ lives in rural areas are indeed challenging. However, as seen in Asonbwa‟s case, teachers could choose to live in rural areas as committed basic school teachers. This suggests that „rural challenge model‟ could be possible.

Those who are committed to teaching seem to be able to manage their lives, ensuring their security through having a second job, mainly farming, and though being supported by their colleagues and the community. The support from the community is crucial, as teachers tend to take it as a sign of its appreciation to their efforts. Teachers seem to be seeking the meaningfulness of the current job and of themselves, perhaps through their usefulness for others.

From the findings of ethnographic research, there seem three issues which are important to make „rural challenge model‟ possible: teachers‟ survival, in other words, physical well- being; their feelings of usefulness; and the meaningfulness of the current job. In the next chapter, these are further explored at a district level, followed by a chapter focusing on policy implications and teacher management.

7. Micro-level Motivating and Demotivating Factors and

Conditions

7.1. Introduction

In the previous chapter, teachers‟ lives in the five case study communities were described in order to explore teacher motivation in terms of four themes: living and working

conditions; relationships with colleagues; relationships with the community; and identities and personalities. This chapter continues the examination according to the same themes, but now treats the district as the case, analysing additional data, mainly through interviews with staff in other schools and the exploration of teachers‟ coping mechanisms. Thus, this

chapter intends to provide a wider picture of teachers‟ lives and motivation in the two case study districts.

7.2. Teachers’ Living and Working Conditions

7.2.1. Accommodation

Accommodation in the community is important in rural areas, since without it, teachers may have to commute long distances. Neither cycling in Ponkujaku – the vastness of which means that walking is not an option – where the hot sun continuously beats down (even the rainy season does not mean that it is cloudy all the time), nor walking in the hilly forests of Aumisoe, is an easy task. It took some teachers in the case study communities up to two hours to travel to school.

Table 43 Types of teachers’ accommodation

Ponkujaku Aumisoe Jamune Lesanyili Nakaose Manekant

o

Asonbwa In the

community

TQ Provider DA Com Com DA Com Rooms 4 2 10 8 4 N 5 (1) 0 5 (1) 8 2 (1) Own House N 1 3 2 1 0 Lodger N 0 1(1) 0 0 1 Outside the community Commuter N 0 1 2 1 8