Teorías del acto jurídico y del negocio jurídico

The previous chapters of this thesis outlined the discourses and contexts framing the conversation around gambling in Australia. In addition to providing a context, these discourses also point out valuable areas where more research, and a deeper analysis, is needed to more fully understand gambling behaviour, particularly in social clubs.

These discourses also indicate where existing research has already provided substantial understanding of particular research questions: in particular, questions surrounding prevalence of gambling and problem gambling; psychological approaches to problem gambling; and social histories of gambling in Australia. These areas of inquiry have been thoroughly addressed in the existing literature. This has directed this thesis' research questions away from questions of how and

what - how many people gamble in Australia? What gambling format do they gamble on? - to questions of why people gamble.

Of particular value in the context outlined in the previous chapter are questions around why people gamble when they know it is 'bad' for them. Reviewing the academic literature, political debates and media representations of gambling clearly demonstrates gambling, especially gambling on the pokies, is regarded as an inherently problematic activity, and is represented as such in both the academic literature and in daily newspaper reportage. Existing research has explored the psychological dimensions of problem gambling and studies reveal the catastrophic impact problem gambling can have on individuals, families and communities, and the awareness individuals have of the stigma associated with gambling (e.g. Suomi et al 2013; Carroll et al 2013; Davidson and Rodgers 2011).

And yet, as prevalence studies consistently reveal, a significant proportion of the Australian community engage in gambling on a regular basis, often on pokie machines in clubs. Given the stigmatised nature of the activity, it is pertinent to address the question:

Why would people gamble on the pokies when it is clearly presented as an inherently harmful activity?

What do people feel they gain from gambling?

What do they feel they might lose when they consider stopping?

To find the answers to address these overarching questions, the following three questions were formulated to guide my research:

What are the meanings attached to gambling in the social club setting?

How does the environment of the social club construct, promote, and influence gambling behaviour?

What role do social and cultural capitals play in the social club environment?

To best address these questions, a qualitative approach was used. This thesis uses ethnographic participant observation and an ethnomethodological approach as its main method. An ethnographic study addresses these key questions by moving away from a psychologistic analysis of people's motivations to an analysis firmly located in what people actually do (Silverman, 2001, p. 78). Additionally, this methodology allowed for a high level of anonymity for individual participants in the study, which addresses ethical concerns.

The academic gambling literature emphasised that ethnography and participant observation are viable research methods which have been used to great effect in overseas studies of gambling and social clubs (e.g. MacLure et al 2006]. Interestingly, these methods have been under-utilised in the Australian context.

Covert observation was undertaken at two fieldwork locations over a twenty week period between November 2010 and the end of March 2011. Ethics clearance was sought from the Australian National University (Protocol number 2010/383] and granted in November 2010. Debriefing occurred in the early part of 2015 to address the ethical issues that this covert observation raised for the ANU Human Research Ethics Committee. This debriefing took the form of email correspondence and a face to face meeting with the Board of the club venue12. Observations were conducted in 'shifts' of varying length, at various times of day and days of the week, at differing points in the fortnightly pay cycle. An approximate total of 100 hours of observation was conducted. Field notes were taken discretely in the toilets or in my car during or immediately after the observation.

As with any research methodology, ethnographic participant observation presents specific challenges. In the case of this thesis, the challenges were: the fact that results are not generalisable or verifiable; the difficulty of challenging the 'taken

12 Debriefing could not occur with the smaller club venue as they had ceased operations by the time data analysis for this thesis had been completed.

for granted', or 'common sense', features of the interactions being observed; and the potential to lapse into narration, rather than providing an analysis. The design of this research project aims to address these concerns.

These challenges were partly addressed by choosing two separate locations for fieldwork. Questioning the 'taken for granted' aspect of the interaction was mediated by the fact that, prior to conducting the research, I was an 'outsider' to the club gambling scene: I had limited familiarity with the social club setting, and with gambling in that setting. Consequentially, the perspective I brought to the research was one where I was learning how the interaction works from 'scratch' - operating with no, or little, assumed knowledge of 'what's going on' in the social club environment.

There were additional challenges involved in conducting this ethnographic participant observation. For example, gaining access to venues for fieldwork was initially problematic. The need to remain inconspicuous, as a covert researcher, also proved challenging at points, as did the length of observation sessions. Finally, my gender and my age presented challenges that needed to be addressed in the fieldwork that I conducted.