2. PANORAMA TEÓRICO: DE LA IDEA POLÍTICA A LA CONFIGURACIÓN
2.2 TERRITORIO, TERRITORIALIDAD Y TERRITORIALIZACIÓN
'Scientifically founded', 'testable', 'reliable', 'rigorous', 'valid and legitimate, 'academically solid', 'extending and adding to the boundaries of known knowledge', were some of the statements and concepts that made research appear distant, at times unattainable, sterile and formal. All schools of thought within university settings reinforced this traditional Western Eurocentric pattern of new knowledge acquirement as they based their curriculum development for their courses around the progressive introduction of the values and belief systems underpinned by certain core scientific principles. Mead (1996) contended that historically, this approach placed Western Eurocentric knowledge acquisition as the norm and all other methodologies for gathering information as 'unscientific' and therefore less valuable.
Part of my research journey has been about recognising that there are some universal principles and doctrines that have familiarity across all cultural experiences and conversely those same cultural expressions significantly determine uniqueness in contribution to knowledge and wisdom building excursions into the unknown. Furthermore, the title of this chapter 'the politics of Maori research', affirms two directional themes. First, that cross cultural experiences affected the formation of research approaches taken to document and record Maori contributions to human knowledge and understanding. Consequently, a lot of the material in this chapter explores those 'politics' between Maori and Pakeha about research methodologies. Second, research 'by and for Maori' or 'Maori centred research' continues to be influenced by 'the politics of research'. However, in relation to the 'Many rivers analysis' framework1 where I argue that Maori cultural development roots did not merely arise from Western Eurocentric
1For more information on the 'Many rivers analysis', refer to the prelude of Chapters Five, Six and Seven.
development, the position fostered here is that Maori conceptual/theoretical paradigms concerning 'research' do exist, and need to be explored further. This chapter contains my contribution to providing a comparative analysis of Maori research and knowledge.
The first intention of this chapter is to reset the debate around Western knowledges, philosophies and research. Entitled 'Western knowledges, philosophies and research', this first section will contextualise and make sense of Western Eurocentric rational science and research. Next, a section labelled 'indigenous knowledges, philosophies and research', sets the scene on issues surrounding the cross-cultural research politics by previewing indigenous critical discourses. The third section, 'Maori knowledges, philosophies and research', investigates Maori research and knowledge through critical research discourses located in Aotearoa. These discourses, predominantly by Maori researchers on Maori issues, in research concentrate on the belief that Maori ways of gathering information though similar to other cultural experiences of the world, require adherence to specific culture-bound principles based on Maori theories and philosophies. These will be explored using thematical signposts. More importantly these signposts or principles will set the scene for my forays into the topic of inquiry I have chosen. The fourth section 'Qualitative research revisited', explores qualitative research because of its use in this thesis. Section five, 'An integrated approach' identifies who, why, what and how research data was gathered. The sixth section of this chapter is concerned with the lessons learnt while completing a Doctoral study in the School of Social Policy and Social Work on a topic that 'grasped me.21 I have named this section 'A glide to light'. This chapter is brought to an end with a 'Concluding comment'.
2 Don Wineholst from the University of Hartford in Cincinnati, introduced this sensation of being grasped or captured by the research question. I was to experience this same sensation in different stages of the research but it was never a continuous one. I had to work hard and smart to get it (refer to Smith, A; Wineholst, D; Acker, D (1994). In a conference en 'Promise
Western knowledges, philosophies and research
Reflecting on the 'Many rivers analysis' it is not surprising to discover that acquiring knowledge, extending boundaries, dealing with new information, using hindsight and foresight to change outcomes has been inextricably linked to four overriding principles: these being power, control, development and liberation. Stokes (1985) believed that the primary focus of any research should be to advance the 'welfare of the people'. Shirley (1984) also contended that this 'welfare of the people' inferred taking into account, issues surrounding what was deemed, 'in the public interest or good'. Research could then be described as:
. . . the work undertaken to increase the knowledge available for utilisation by society (Stokes, 1985: 1).
In addition, Wagner (1993) locates the value of research as a means of 'reducing ignorance' and 'pursuing truth'. Research, in this light, ultimately creates opportunities for improvements in society. That ability to provide truthful knowledge which has 'utilisation' capabilities, is a major attraction in the promotion of research. For example, technological advancements were outcomes of intensive scientific research. Developing safe and appropriate practice strategies to assist those suffering from certain life threatening psychiatric and 'other' health problems arose from research projects. In some situations, that 'utilisation factor' has been quite detrimental to humanity. Nuclear research has allowed for travel exploration to the depths of our oceans, and galaxy. Yet, the introduction of nuclear weapons has threatened the entire world with extinction. Perhaps the most striking aspect of Western Eurocentric advancements in knowledge acquisition is that it has often led to power and control imbalances within its own societal sectors (Lather, 1991/ Lechte, 1994)4 and
3Lather pinpoints the multidimensional interactive struggles of various groups of women to survive.
4 Lechte elucidates the theoretical/ philosophical positions of fifty contemporary thinkers commenting en Western Eurocentric cultural development and knowledge transmission. For
more importantly, induced oppression, dependency and subjugation i n cross cultural interactions and relationships with 'others' inhabiting the world (Banks, 1993). So knowledge is power and often 'other' cultural interpretations and associated processes that make sense of knowledge maintenance, acquisition and dissemination have been reduced to 'myths' and 'uselessness' (Salmond, 1983; Burger, 1990; Mead, 1996).
The of Western research
While the main purpose is to identify six core principles underpinning Western Eurocentric knowledge acquisition it is also important to locate research development within the overall development of Western culture. Two time epochs (Modernity and Postmodernity) will be referred to throughout this section. McLennan (1994) described that the shift from modernity to postmodernity was accompanied by the redundancy of total/universal, essentialisf and postivistic6 explanations of cultural realities and development. This was clearly evident with the shift away, from mass production and nationalistic state formations in the 1980s. Lather (1991) contended that in place of those redundant ideologies arose a 'post - ism era' where 'total ideology met an untimely death'.7 Poststructuralism, postpositivism, postmodernism, postmarxism reflected an acceptance of the need to deconstruct realities and reconstruct new ways of measuring, discovering and expanding our ontological missions as human beings (refer to Table One at the end of this chapter). These 'New Times', were about moving out of some mind traps, gaining knowledge for further development purposes, and contesting/struggling with the role
example, the works of Bechelard, Althusser, Bourdieu, Daudrillard, Habennas are outlined in Lechte's book.
5 Lechte (1994) described that the essentialist position was based m the premise t h a t
material objects have an essence distinguishable from their attributes and existence.
6 Postivistic explanations emerged through the philosophical works of Auguste Comte. This stressed the importance of positive science over religion and metaphysics. Knowledge was therefore based on perception (See footnote 9).
7 "The enlightenment is dead, Marxism is dead, the working class movement is dead . . . and the author does not feel very well either (Smith, cited in Lather 1991: 22)".
and function of 'owning our voices' (Du Plessis, 1993; Walsh-Tapiata, 1997)
and dealing with 'otherness' (Giroux, 1983).
With this developmental backdrop in mind, it is time to view those six core principles influencing knowledge acquisition. The first core principle, supports the compartmentalisation of new and old wisdom. Known also as 'Subcategorisation', this principle was reinforced by the formation of the different schools8 of thought that were responsible for cataloguing learning opportunities. Durie (1985), also contended that this 'division of things', was unique to Western modes of knowledge accumulation. The expansion of Western boundaries of knowledge was therefore facilitated by the contestation between those various schools of thought on the phenomenon under study (Lechte, 1994). These schools had theoretical and philosophies foundations, which reinforced the promotion of certain types of research methodologies. In turn, these methodologies set in place, checks and balances based on emphasising specific values. Of most importance in the modernity period were such values as validity, rationalism, and testability. The scientific approach was most evident here, especially after reducing the influence of the 'religious/magic atmosphere of the dark and middle ages'. The enlightenment period of Western Eurocentric cultural development had set the foundations for science to flourish over religion (Lechte, 1994). However, in the postmodernity period, the values of localisation, interpretativeness, insight and understanding aligned with the mood swings of the day.
The second core principle reflects a belief that research should be based o n the 'scientific paradigm' developed in pure sciences. To clarify this, research examples from the anthropological field adhered to the epistemological assessment of the information gained (Neel, 1977,9
8 For example, sociology, philosophy, theology, psychology, pure sciences, social sciences, Business studies and so on.
1ames V. Neel, from the Department of Human Genetics, University of Michigan Medical School, Ann Arbor, Michigan wrote a research paper entitled Health and disease in unacculturated Amerindian which was presented at Ciba Foundation (1977) Health and Disease in Tribal Societies conference in Elsevier, Amsterdam. He drew a lot of
Haimendorf, 1983; Salmond, 1991). During the modernity period these checks and balances were moulded by two interrelated scientific principles
in knowledge gathering: these were reductionism10 and positivism.11
Respectively, the scientific research paradigm of modernity emphasised secular, rational, systematic investigation, leading to metanarratives and all encompassing theoretical explanations of universally abstract situations, structures, physical institutions, and other psycho-social
phenomenon (Durie, 1985; Ponter, 1989).12 However, research in
'Postmodern' times accepted the 'first person' and recognised 'diverse realities': consequently, anti-positivistic research using 'I'/3 was credible
(Lather, 1991). These moves were further supported by Giroux (1993) who
re-emphasised the notion of 'identity politics-new race politics', that
research needed to account for the concept of 'otherness'. Hewitt (1993),
focused on the 'contestation' that still exists between those advocating universalistic/ totalitarian exploration paradigms versus those accepting of difference and uniqueness (Giroux & Trend, 1992; Kaye, 1992; Norris, 1992;
Sholle, 1992; Smith, 1992; Davis & Stack, 1993; McLaren, 1993).
this data from anthropological studies to debate that it was epidemiological characteristics, rather than just having contact with western culture that caused population fluctuations.
10 A reductivist position has been described as the move to break down the explanation
process into smaller components that can later be joined together to provide generalised
metanarratives to explain universally abstract situations and structures, physical institutions, and other psycho-social phenomenon. Often referred to as the evidential
approach - A + B = C so if A = D - E and B = 2 x F /G then one can deduce that C also = D - E +
2 (F)/G (Also see footnote 13).
11 The belief in 'One true objective reality', located in the Modernity period of Western Eurocentric cultural development and based on the pure scientific approach.
12Brian Ponter's (1989) article referred. to here, reinforces the tendency that scientific studies have in breaking down inquiry into smaller more isolated parts, for easier management of the research arena to be covered At the same time these individual expertise levels can be drawn and woven together to infer major theoretical underpinnings in order to advance knowledge about the research arena being studied.
13 In feminist writings 'I' infers 'Positionality'. Banks (1993: 5) clarifies what this means:
"Positionality is an important concept that emerged out of feminist scholarship. . . Positionality means that important aspects of our identity, for example, our gender, our race, our class, our age . . are markers of relational positions rather than essential qualities . . . reveals the importance of identifying the positions and frames of reference from which scholars and writers present their data, interpretations, analyses, and instruction".
The third core principle underpinning social research has been termed its 'discovery based' principle. There is no arguing the fact, that research has been used on many occasions to open up and set new boundaries for 'utilisation' of knowledge and experience. In the modernity period, the extensive amounts of anthropological fieldwork data and material, based on participant observation research, and numerous quantitative studies, have in fact grounded many a theory, a perspective, a developmental spurt, with that so called, 'scientific demand' for factual and evidential support. This 'discovery principle' reinforced the dominance of Western thought in social research design. It was also used as a means to legitimise Western Eurocentric models of research and development. In recent Postmodern times, it has generated support for indigenous interpretation of cultural experiences.
Development is the fourth core principle of research. The pursuit of social scientists has been based on acquiring more knowledge to increase human disposition for improving their lot in life. The rationale supported here, is the belief that by answering questions of the past, we can also influence the direction of our present (Dolgin, Kemnitzer & Schneider, 1977), which
eventually results in projected forms of development.
Significantly, this principle has led to many a theory being debunked, but jointly with the third principle of 'discovery' it has been responsible for the genesis of theory and practice, that has over the years accelerated understanding and strengthened a commitment to maintain developmental inquiry skills. Inherent in this principle are the freedom twins: emancipation and liberation. For those in oppressive situations, research can also provide a forum for redress, an opportunity to challenge for change and create new frames of reference to improve relationships across cultures.14
14 Research has also been used to maintain oppressive structures (Status Quo/ Academic elitism) to preserve inequality in socieities, to advance individual wealth and status, and to lock out 'others' from contributing to development.
The fifth core principle in research, centres around having 'A Wide Lens and Narrow Lens vision'. What is meant by 'Wide Lens', is that informative material gathered on a particular culture, might allow the researchers to present comments that could universalise15 those discoveries. Macro-embracing statements about third world countries based on comparative studies alone, do not necessarily corroborate such an assumption. In many ways this perspective was a dominant factor in the modernity phase of Western Eurocentric cultural development. People were looking for 'pie in the sky' overriding explanations about human behaviour and existence. What emerged were these wide lens analyses such as Marxism, Functionalism, Structuralism, Socialism and m any other 'isms'. On the positive side, having that 'wide lens' perspective in research stressed the need to look for general themes, patterns and relationships. A 'Narrow Lens', focus recognised the need for uniqueness and difference within and between individuals, groups, societies and cultures. Postmodemity, was a critical combination of both the wide and narrow methodologies, into a multi-dimensional approach for increasing the 'utilisation trait' of explored experiences. Research was viewed as another avenue for conscientisation, deconstruction, emancipation and eventual reconstruction of healthier human experiences.
The final core principle underpinning Western Eurocentric research takes into account the role of research being a venue for change. This principle emphasises that 'ideology guides research'. Not only does ideology determine the methodology chosen but also the rationale underpinning all research processes/6 including data analysis. One's ideology also affects the power and control relationships that a researcher has with those being researched. O'Brien (1991) laid out what he considered were the four key
15 Universalise or generalise involves making the links between the private and public clear. Macro structural analysis perceptions are the outcome when using the 'wide lense' view.
principles of ideology. I have added a fifth. Ideology as domination/7 as a non-deterministic /non reductionism approach/8 in a positive and negative sense/9 as an arena of contest and struggle;20 and finally as 'culture bound.21' These combine to provide a conceptual foundation and resource base, to assist efforts to complete and critique one's research. Common throughout both the modernity and postmodemity eras, has been the role and function of social research outcomes in facilitating an environment of critical debate and activism.
These six core principles; 'subcategorisation', 'scientific paradigm', 'discovery based', 'development', 'wide lens/narrow lens vision', and 'ideology guides research'; have been influential in resolving research frameworks utilised to explore the various fields of scientific inquiry. They also raise some interesting dilemmas. For example, the tendency to compartmentalise knowledge fails to account for world views based o n
17 O'Brien (1991) focuses en relations within society, for example those that reinforce domination and subordination. Domination is about power through ideas that are operationalised. Who operationalises them? It raises the issue of inequality. Ideology is refined by Thompson using three sukomponents: Legitimation (strengthens sets of ideas and beliefs), Dissimulation (the ways ideology hide or conceal particular interests served) and Reification (Events and interests are divorced from their historical context and are presented as eternal and as natural).
18 O'Brien (1991) points out that ideology is non-reductionist in that it is not simply derived from and determined by economic relations. A reductionist approach would make social change difficult. The debate presented here is that consciousness cannot be analysed en its own, and that it has a foundation in material reality. That this material base refers to the totality of people's lives and of the impact of the social structure on those lives. Material is not synonymous with economic.
19 The dual usage of ideology: Positive reflects the exposition of sets of political beliefs, to competing belief systems, thus looking at the nature, role and purpose of the state. Negative reflects the way in which the ideas in a society relate to, and intersect with t h e social structure and the organisation of interests in society, thus language and programmes are critically explored to look at domination and subordination and reflects inequality and the neutrality of the State (O'Brien, 1991).
20 Reflects the notions of 'ideological contestation'. The notions of domination and power makes a bridge that allows for the organisation and expression of appositional ideas. I t involves transformation by gradual critique and the building of alternative ideology, through material practice (central to replacement) that reshapes commonsense- Taken for
granted assumptions about the world and the social relations that exist - into good sense. Ideology is the terrain of struggle and contestation in its own right (O'Brien, 1991).
21 Ruwhiu (1993 unpublished Study Guide) For me this reflects the wealth of cultural histories from the 'peoples' of the world, and the inferences to other sources of knowledge that may define ideology using completely different conceptual constructs. Implicit in
holistic principles. In some ways, this wide lens/narrow lens combination