La toma de datos en campo

T h e muscle power for the Ayodhya temple campaign is mobilized mainly from among the Other Backward Classes (OBCs), but the Sangh Parivar has no programme to change their location in brahminic civil society. In terms of religious life, the Scheduled Castes are looking towards Buddhism and Christianity, but the OBCs are a directionless social force available to be used by the Hindutva forces as muscle power, as they did at the time of demolishing the Babri Masjid. We now see them being mobilized to build the con- tentious Ram temple and more particularly at the tim&'of riots such as the one created in Gujarat. What stake do the OBCsr have to make them put their lives, fortunes and energies into an issue such as Ayodhya?

In the period after the destruction of the Babri Masjid, liberal writ- ers pointed out that the OBCs were in the lead of the rioting and prop- erty-destruction squads formed by the Hindutva forces. T h e jail records show that hardly any upper caste youths have gone to jail in riot cases and that most undertrials were/are OBCs and Muslims. Muslims and Christians have come to see the OBCs as a mercenary social force. T h e OBCs, unable to get English education at the top missionary schools, have no positive opinion of the Christian com- munity. As an OBC, I am terribly disturbed by this situation.

T h e upper caste forces under the overall supervision of the Sangh Parivar leadership that essentially comes from the dwija castes, con- ducts the Ayodhya temple agitation. T h e Sant Sabha, the Ram

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Janmabhoomi Nvas (RJN) and by and large all Parivar organizations are headed by the upper castes. The OBCs are not eligil" 'e to be part of the leadership of the Sant Sabha or the RJN. The top leadership of the VHP—Ashok Singhal, Giriraj Kishore and Praveen 'lbgadia—comes from the dwija and Sudra upper caste social forces. The OBCs now have only the right to enter temples. They have neither the right to dwija- hood nor to head any Hindu organization. T h e classical social posi- tion of Sudras—the largest number being OBCs—has not changed.

If we look at the ownership of top industrial concerns and the vast service sector, all are in the hands of the dwija castes in general, while the control of the urban economy is in the hands of Sangh Parivar forces in particular. T h e presence of Muslims and Christians in the industrial economy is marginal. What is the presence of OBCs in in- dustrial property ownership and employment, in what can be called the Hindu economy? It can be safely said, marginal. If they too are Hindus as the dwijas are, why do they not get a share in the higher ranks of industry and its benefits? Why does caste-based ownership exist? T h e OBCs have been denied any share in either the manufac- turing or service sectors that operate as Hindu economic structures. Giriraj Kishore, just before the Durban conference, August 2001, is on record as saying that Hindu society cannot afford to do away with the caste system. According to him, the notion of equal rights to all castes will violate the basic rights of upper castes. Furthermore, all the upper caste leaders of the Sangh Parivar—the VHP more openly than others—oppose the principle of reservation for OBCs.

What is the presence of OBCs even as employees in industry, shops and software companies owned by the Sangh Parivar industrialists and businessmen? T h e upper castes opposed the entry of OBCs both in government and the private sector employment during the Mandal agitation. In fact, the Ram temple issue was forced on the nation to divert attention from the Mandal movement. Even now, who is op- posing the notion of reservation in the private sector? It is the Sangh Parivar because its adherents control a lot of private industry. Why then are the OBCs participating in the Ayodhya issue where more blood is likely to flow? In no other struggle has so much blood been spilt in the country since Independence—and most of the blood is that of OBCs and Muslims. T h e BJP came to power based on the blood spilt at the time of the destruction of the Babri Masjid. But who were the top cabinet ministers in the first Vajpayee government? No OBC could become a minister of high importance. In spite of this experi-

Ayodhya: What Stake Do OBCS Have? 3 ence, the OBCs are marching into Ayodhya. Why?

The OBC population has the highest number of unemployed who provide the muscle power for small benefits offered. By and large, OBC" youth have been left out of modern English education and their presence in the diaspora is minimal. Their numbers are negligible in the sunrise industries and in the IT sector as well. T h e Hindutva organizations that command dollar money have not started good edu- cational institutions for the OBCs. T h e few top English medium schools their sympathizers run do not admit OBC children. For pur- poses such as the Ram Janmabhumi movement, the OBCs are treated as Hindus; but when it comes to the question of modernizing them, they are the 'others'.

By keeping OBC youth uneducated and unemployed, a lumpen reserve army remains readily available for use by the Hindutva forces. But no OBC who participates in the temple campaign can ever hope to become a priest in the Ram temple when the Hindutva forces build it at Ayodhya, nor can he hope to command any social respect. T h e sants command so much power today that the PMO is at their beck and call. T h e OBCs do not have that kind of clout.

Of late, OBC children are being admitted into Saraswati Shishu Mandirs mostly to train them as Hindu militants. The children of top Sangh Parivar leaders get good English education to become future NRIs. They become 'patriots from abroad' and finance temple con- struction, whereas the OBC youth have to perform the physical riot- ing and in the process, their small economies get ruined.

In the increasing process of privatization, those few OBCs who are educated do not get jobs in Hindu industry or in Hindu temples. The casual employment that used to be available for OBCs is shrink- ing as upper caste Hindu contractors now perform these tasks with their cranes, tractors, bulldozers, and so on. What is left for the OBC youth is being hired to carry pillars for temples and participating in riots for a small payment. If they go to jail, which serves somewhat better food than their homes, life goes on. Thus, a commitment to Hindutva is, for them, a forced commitment of the belly.

T h e Hindutva economy has deliberately trapped them in this dragnet. One can see some OBC youth with huge tilaks on their fore- heads becoming street toughs or small leaders in the mohallas. T h e VHP leaders have no problem with this kind of growth among OBC youth. These young men collect small amounts of money for festi- vals and some of them roam about continuously on motorcycles. If

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they do not aspire to air travel, imported cars and good English edu- cation, as the top Hindutva leaders do for their children, their nation- alism and dharma are considered intact.

The top dwija castes are getting everything without suffering and that is what dharmic Hinduism is. Let the OBCs think: should their children live like this forever?

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