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In the Central and Ecclesall divisions, where there was a large ’light’ trades interest, the argument focused on Sheffield’s declining position in the world cutlery trade. Samuel Roberts, the Conservative candidate for Ecclesall, whilst delivering a speech? displayed tv/o German-made knives; to illustrate his argument that "a low scientific tariff on

imports would prove the salvation of the cutlery trade, at pres­ ent threatened.. .and a duty of 10% would enable Sheffield

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cutlers to keep out such knives*" Thus in the ’light’ industrial sector the Conservative working.class appeal was substantially the same as that in the East End, that is job security guaranteed by political representation* Sir Howard Vincent, sitting member of parliament for the Central division

and national spokesman for the Protectionist movement since the 1870s, based his campaign on the guarantee that,

"the betterment of the condition of the working class could only be effected by a change in our

98- fiscal arrangements."

He blamed foreign imports of cheaper manufactured goods for throwing cutlers out of work and sending them to the workhouse:

"That to the cutler was bread and butter politics." The appeal to the v/orking class was complimented by linking the argument to the ideology of the labour movement:

"If it was fair for trade unionists in this country to demand that in connection with contracts for

different public bodies a proper rate of wages should be paid and proper trade union conditions recognised...

it was equally right that they and the country at large should demand that all goods sold in this country should be made under similar conditions*

The 1906 general election was regarded by Tom Shaw, a Lib- Lab trade unionist, as "the most important election since 1868"^ The 1868 election had witnessed a vital contest

in Sheffield in establishing a basis for future Liberal-Labour

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co-operation, rooted in a re-alignment of industrial relations. In 1906, the Conservative Party reflected Shaw’s analysis in their efforts to stem the tide of the labour and socialist advance. In the East End constituency of Attercliffe a

"Conservative and Trade Unionist" candidate was run in the person of A.Muir Wilson, a solicitor who specialised in

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industrial lav/. He placed social and industrial questions

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to the fore in his campaign. ^

In the Brightside constituency, the Conservative Party focused on the condition of local employment and stressed the

important links between local industrial capacity and the governments defence programme. This concern was underlined

in the work place by an employer active in Conservative politics^ and in the community, by the Conservative sponsored leisure

pursuits such as the Volunteer movement. Liberal Party policy on defence v/as criticised with particular reference to the pacifist stand taken by a section of the Party during the Boer war. It was suggested that Liberal patronage of socialist

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economics would result in the destruction of local industry.- J.P.Hope publicised his past record in securing work for the Sheffield area through government contracts."*He published selections from his correspondence in the Conservative

press to illustrate his influence on the Admiralty in this direction. The potency of this device was reflected in the anxious reaction of the Liberal Party which sent an urgent appeal to the war minister, Haldan, in the following terms:

"Tories making headway by saying that war office policy is altered by Liberals and smaller proportion

of government work v/ill come to Bright side. Can this ^ be contradicted?.. .This is a matter of vital importance.""* The results of the 1906 election v/ere a disappointment for the Conservative Party in the country as a whole but were

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encouraging in Sheffield. . , This discrepancy in the national

and local positions was reflected in the relationship between the central and local organisations in the following years* >The liational organisation initiated a re-structuring of the

regions in an effort to stem the labour and socialist advance* The Sheffield Party, although well aware of the local progress of the labour movement, felt itself able to cope without outside interference and rejected the offer of visiting speakers.

In 1908, The Standard expressed the anxiety of the national Party over the attitude prevailing in Sheffield, noting:

"Sheffield possesses the necessary machinery for a model organisation but the working of it is not so effective as it might be...(there is) a want of sympathy between the divisions and the Central Assoc­ iation. . .each regards itself as working for its own salvation."

A lack of political education in the form of propaganda was noted except during election campaigns.

"All the political meetings in connection with the fifty-seven branches.•.are held in public houses... consequently, beyond maintaining the interest of the workers, little if.any result follows in the way of conversion and education."

This was contrasted with the tactics of both the Liberal and Labour Parties who were not above going out on the streets and drumming up support.

The Attercliffe by-election of 1909 and the general elections of January and December 1910 saw the development of unease

within the ranks of local Conservatism over the overriding

impact of the fiscal and tariff reform questions. A re-assess- ment of local policy coincided with a re-organisation of

electoral strategy. In August 1910, a new election agent

was appointed to serve the city and in October an open aIt _cam­

paign was inaugurated, directed by the National Conservative Union. In February 1911, the Sheffield Conservative and Constitutional Association appointed a special organising committee, "to restore and reconstruct the authority of the Central Association", relieving the divisions of much of their

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organisational responsibility. ^ Significantly, in the same year both the Liberal and Labour Parties in the city reorgan-

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ised their Party machine. -

In 1909, with trade at a low ebb and much unemployment in the city, the connection between business: and industrial interest and Party politics was made even more strongly. The depression seemed to call for radical solutions and in this respect the Conservative and Labour Party initiatives

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